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We are pleased to share that Jihui Seong (MA '25 East Asian Studies) is the recipient of the 14th annual Korea Program Prize for Writing in Korean Studies, for her thesis "A Truce Built on Tension: The Korean War Armistice Negotiations and the Strategic Divergence Between Allies."

Advisor Daniel Sneider, Lecturer in East Asian Studies, notes that "Ms. Seong carried out extensive archival research at the National Archives in Washington, as well as digital archives of U.S. diplomatic and other records. She did similar research in the archives of the Republic of Korea. Ms. Seong read deeply into the secondary literature on this period of history...and consulted the memoirs of key figures, including Korean language memoirs.... The result of this research was a remarkably well-written and insightful thesis, one which genuinely breaks ground in its detailed research, analytical framing and persuasive argument. The conclusion has additional power in taking the thesis research and applying its conclusions and lessons to current alliance relations."

Reflecting on her thesis, Seong notes: "My thesis explores the Korean War armistice negotiations (1951–1953), with a focus on the deep strategic and political divergences between the United States and the Republic of Korea. While the two nations were de facto allies under the UN Command, they held fundamentally different visions for Korea’s future. Drawing from extensive archival research—including diplomatic cables, negotiation transcripts, and U.S. policy documents—I analyze how President Syngman Rhee’s opposition to a ceasefire clashed with Washington’s desire to end the war through limited settlement, leading to recurring tensions, threats of alliance rupture, and backchannel bargaining. The paper highlights that these conflicts were not merely tactical disagreements, but expressions of diverging national priorities, domestic political constraints, and fundamentally different perceptions of sovereignty and security. Ultimately, I argue that the Korean War armistice was not simply the cessation of hostilities between adversaries, but rather a fragile truce built through uneasy compromise forged through internal struggle between wartime partners—one that shaped the foundations of today’s East Asian geopolitical order and the enduring complexities of U.S.–ROK alliance management."

Sponsored by the Korea Program and the Center for East Asian Studies, the writing prize recognizes and rewards outstanding examples of writing by Stanford students in an essay, term paper, or thesis produced during the current academic year in any discipline within the area of Korean studies, broadly defined. The competition is open to both undergraduate and graduate students.

Past Recipients:

13th Annual Prize Co-recipients (2024)
12th Annual Prize (2023)
11th Annual Prize (2022)
10th Annual Prize (2021)
9th Annual Prize (2020)
8th Annual Prize (2019)
7th Annual Prize (2018)
6th Annual Prize (2017)
5th Annual Prize (2016)
4th Annual Prize (2015)
3rd Annual Prize (2014)
2nd Annual Prize (2013)
1st Annual Prize (2012)

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Jihui Seong (MA '25 East Asian Studies) is the recipient of the 14th annual Korea Program Prize for Writing in Korean Studies, for her thesis "A Truce Built on Tension: The Korean War Armistice Negotiations and the Strategic Divergence Between Allies."

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We are pleased to share the publication of a new volume, Cold War Refugees: Connected Histories of Displacement and Migration across Postcolonial Asia, edited by the Korea Program's Yumi Moon, associate professor in Stanford's Department of History.

The book, now available from Stanford University Press, revisits Cold War history by examining the identities, cultures, and agendas of the many refugees forced to flee their homes across East, Southeast, and South Asia due to the great power conflict between the US and the USSR. Moon's book draws on multilingual archival sources and presents these displaced peoples as historical actors in their own right, not mere subjects of government actions. Exploring the local, regional, and global contexts of displacement through five cases —Taiwan, Vietnam, Korea, Afghanistan, and Pakistan — this volume sheds new light on understudied aspects of Cold War history.

This book is an important new contribution to our understanding of population flows on the Korean Peninsula across decades.
Paul Chang
Deputy Director, Korea Program

The book's chapters — written by Phi-Vân Nguyen, Dominic Meng-Hsuan Yang, Yumi Moon, Ijlal Muzaffar, Robert D. Crews, Sabauon Nasseri, and Aishwary Kumar — explore Vietnam's 1954 partition, refugees displaced from Zhejiang to Taiwan, North Korean refugees in South Korea from 1945–50, the Cold War legacy in Karachi, and Afghan refugees.

Purchase Cold War Refugees at www.sup.org and receive 20% off with the code MOON20.

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Can the United States and Asia Commemorate the End of the Pacific War Together?

Within Asia, World War II memories and commemorations are not only different from those in the United States but also divided and contested, still shaping and affected by politics and nationalism. Only when U.S. and Asian leaders come together to mark the end of the Asia-Pacific war can they present a credible, collective vision for the peace and prosperity of this important region.
Can the United States and Asia Commemorate the End of the Pacific War Together?
Gi-Wook Shin seated in his office, speaking to the camera during an interview.
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Sociologist Gi-Wook Shin Illuminates How Strategic Human Resource Development Helped Build Asia-Pacific Economic Giants

In his new book, The Four Talent Giants, Shin offers a new framework for understanding the rise of economic powerhouses by examining the distinct human capital development strategies used by Japan, Australia, China, and India.
Sociologist Gi-Wook Shin Illuminates How Strategic Human Resource Development Helped Build Asia-Pacific Economic Giants
Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab team members and invited discussants during a roundtable discussion in a conference room.
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Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab Probes Political Messaging and Public Attitudes in U.S.-China Rivalry

At a recent conference, lab members presented data-driven, policy-relevant insights into rival-making in U.S.-China relations.
Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab Probes Political Messaging and Public Attitudes in U.S.-China Rivalry
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The new volume, edited by Stanford historian Yumi Moon, examines the experiences of Asian populations displaced by the conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union.

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Noa Ronkin
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As the U.S.-China competition unfolds in areas ranging from trade to technology to the military, the rival-making discourse surrounding this great power competition was the focus of the conference Beyond a New Cold War, organized and hosted by the Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab (SNAPL).

Held on August 14, 2025, the event showcased SNAPL research illuminating how U.S. political leaders and the media shape narratives concerning China and how citizens in young democracies perceive these narratives. Serving as discussants were experts from Columbia University, the University of California, Berkeley, the Hoover Institution (represented by a former National Security Affairs Fellow), and the U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on China.

The studies presented and discussed at the conference are part of SNAPL’s U.S.-Asia Relations research track, one of four research streams the lab pursues. Housed at the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) and founded by sociologist Gi-Wook Shin, the lab aims to generate evidence-based policy recommendations and promote transnational collaboration with academic and policy institutions to advance the future prosperity of Asia and U.S.-Asia relations.

“This conference provided an excellent opportunity to engage the policy community with our research findings,” says Shin, the William J. Perry Professor of Contemporary Korea, a senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), and the director of APARC and the Korea Program. “The lab will continue to foster ongoing dialogue between academic and policy circles.” 

The conference builds on previous SNAPL forums and meetings with policy and academic communities in Washington, D.C., held in September 2024. These policy engagement activities are made possible thanks to a grant from FSI


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Xinru Ma

Dynamics of American Elite Discourse on China


At the first conference panel, Research Fellow Xinru Ma shared a study that unravels who leads elite discourse on U.S.-China relations – whether Congress, the White House, or the media. While prior research suggests that each of these actors could have distinct agenda-setting capacities, their relative influence and its directionality in foreign policy discourse remain empirically underexamined.

The study addresses this question by investigating China-focused discourse and framing by the U.S. legislative and executive branches as well as the media. Using computational and causal inference methods, the study analyzes social media data from the legislative and executive branches alongside major U.S. media outlets across two periods: the 116th Congress (January 3, 2019 – January 3, 2021) and the 118th Congress (January 3, 2023 – January 3, 2025).

The analysis reveals that, both in terms of issue attention and framing, the media tends to follow the lead of Congress and the President. The findings also indicate that Republican lawmakers exert greater influence on setting the China agenda in the media. In contrast, Democratic lawmakers are stronger predictors of how the media frames the issues at stake. Moreover, the findings suggest that presidential influence on China discourse weakened sharply in the 118th Congress, and that there is an overall shift toward party-driven, rather than institutionally mediated, communication among elites. 


Policy Implications
 

  • Media Weakness: The reliance of media outlets on partisan cues from political elites on foreign policy issues increases the risk of incomplete or skewed public understanding of China and U.S.-China relations. The risk is especially disconcerting as U.S. reporters face limited access to China.
  • Partisan Echo Chambers: Communication flows primarily within partisan networks rather than across institutions, with the separation of powers becoming less effective as a system of checks and balances. The splintering of political discourse into parallel echo chambers risks eroding opportunities for cross-party dialogue and democratic deliberation on complex foreign policy issues.
  • Fragmented Messaging: Divergent partisan messaging on China signals inconsistency to both domestic and international audiences who might draw contradictory conclusions about U.S. intentions. This dynamic gives rise to strategic miscalculations abroad and a fragmented public understanding of China policy at home.
  • Declining  Institutional Voices: The decline of institutional power over shaping U.S. discourse on China has created a growing vulnerability. As individual political figures gain sway, personalized narratives often prioritize short-term visibility over a coherent, long-term strategy.
Gidong Kim delivers a presentation in a conference room.
Gidong Kim

Democracy vs. Autocracy: A View from Young Democracies


Despite their deep divisions on most issues, there is one topic Republicans and Democrats converge on: China. Both parties increasingly frame the intensifying U.S.-China tensions as a strategic competition between democracy and autocracy. But is the value diplomacy this approach begets effective in promoting liberal values in young democracies?

At the second conference panel, Visiting Scholar Gidong Kim presented a study that addresses this question. “This study challenges the effectiveness of the value-laden U.S. diplomacy in young democracies and presents a more nuanced explanation of democracy's role in forming public opinion on foreign policy,” says Kim, formerly a postdoctoral fellow with SNAPL and currently an assistant professor of political science at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (HUFS).

The study hypothesizes that in young democracies, where democratic histories are relatively short and legacies of authoritarian rule endure, citizens tend to understand democracy in terms of electoral institutions rather than liberal values. Similarly, in the context of the U.S.-China competition, citizens in these countries tend to perceive China’s threats to electoral institutions more seriously than its threats to liberal values.

To test this proposition, the study uses a country-level, cross-national analysis and an original survey experiment in South Korea. The findings support the hypothesis.

Policy Implications
 

  • Context Matters: U.S. policymakers must acknowledge the limits of value-driven diplomacy. Washington should diversify its foreign policy toolkit and adapt it to regional contexts: in Western Europe, liberal values rhetoric can reinforce alliances, but in young democracies, the design and strength of electoral institutions carry greater weight.
  • A Crisis of Credibility: For China, there is an equally clear lesson about the need to rethink its approach to diplomacy. Without addressing suspicions of election interference in democratic countries, Beijing will struggle to gain traction with the publics in young Asian democracies and dissipate anti-China sentiments in those countries, even if it increases its soft power through liberalization policies.


SNAPL’s studies presented at the conference underscore the crucial role that narratives and public perceptions play in international relations. They suggest that great power competition is not just about power. Rather, it is also about persuasion, which, in turn, depends on how different audiences — at home and abroad — perceive the story.

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Sociologist Gi-Wook Shin Illuminates How Strategic Human Resource Development Helped Build Asia-Pacific Economic Giants

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Collage of headshots of Stanford students
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Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab Research Assistants Admitted to Top Doctoral Programs

A Stanford student and four recent alumni who served as research assistants at the Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab will begin doctoral studies at top institutions in fall 2025. At the lab, which is committed to rigorous, policy-relevant research and student mentorship, they gained hands-on experience and honed skills valuable for the next stage of their academic journeys.
Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab Research Assistants Admitted to Top Doctoral Programs
Korean activists released from prison on August 16, 1945.
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Can the United States and Asia Commemorate the End of the Pacific War Together?

Within Asia, World War II memories and commemorations are not only different from those in the United States but also divided and contested, still shaping and affected by politics and nationalism. Only when U.S. and Asian leaders come together to mark the end of the Asia-Pacific war can they present a credible, collective vision for the peace and prosperity of this important region.
Can the United States and Asia Commemorate the End of the Pacific War Together?
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Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab members and invited discussants at the conference "Beyond a New Cold War: Political Messaging and Public Perceptions on China" – August 14, 2025.
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At a recent conference, lab members presented data-driven, policy-relevant insights into rival-making in U.S.-China relations.

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Visiting Scholar at APARC, Japan Program Fellow, 2025-2026
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Katherine (Kemy) joined the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) as a visiting scholar, Japan Program Fellow, from September 2025 to March 2026. Ms. Monahan has completed 16 assignments on four continents in her 30 years as a Foreign Service Officer with the U.S. Department of State.  She recently returned from Tokyo, where she was Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Japan, following roles as Charge d’affaires for Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu, and Deputy Chief of Mission to New Zealand, Samoa, Cook Islands, and Niue.  She was Director for East Asia at the National Security Council from 2022 to 2023.  Previously, she worked for the U.S. Department of Treasury in Tokyo, as Economic, Trade and Labor Counselor in Mexico City, Privatization lead in Warsaw after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Advisor to the World Bank, and Deputy Executive Director of the Secretary of State’s Global Health Initiative, among other roles.  As lead of UNICEF’s International Financial Institutions office, Ms. Monahan negotiated over $1 billion in funding for children. A member of the Bar in California and DC, Ms. Monahan began as an attorney in Los Angeles. 

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This interview first appeared in the Brazilian newspaper Folha de S.Paolo, on April 6. The following English version was generated using machine translation and subsequently edited for accuracy and clarity.


WASHINGTON — The tariff hike against all countries announced last week by President Donald Trump may bolster China's image, but that doesn't mean China or any other country is poised to replace the United States, says Thomas Fingar, Shorenstein APARC Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute at Stanford University.

Fingar, a former chief of the State Department's China Division, among other roles in the U.S. Foreign Service and national intelligence, believes that Trump's tariffs will be bad for all nations.

"I hesitate to predict how other countries will react, except that this has more or less given everyone an incentive to bypass the U.S.," he tells Folha.

Donald Trump announced tariffs this week against virtually every country. China has already announced retaliation, imposing a 34% tariff on American products. Are we facing a trade war?

I don't think the war metaphor works for me. I don't know what Trump is trying to do. One could say that this is a game of imposing an outrageous tariff in the hope that specific targets, which are basically all countries, might give in to what they say are their demands. In doing so, they would reduce barriers to trade with the United States. To me, it doesn't make sense with the vast majority of targets of the 10% tariffs.

Why?

I hesitate to predict how other countries will react, except that this has more or less given everyone an incentive to bypass the U.S., to make the U.S. a supplier of last resort, to hold the line, to have a kind of united front to compete with each other.

If the assessment is that the Dutch or the French or the Germans or the Brazilians or somebody else is talking about doing something to eliminate a 10% tariff to gain a comparative advantage in accessing the U.S. market, if that's the logic, then fine. Maybe there's something rational about that, but I think it's more likely that the targets of those low tariffs are just getting together.

My main trade competitor has the same or higher tariffs levied against them. Why should I give in if we are competing on a level playing field?

I think Trump is going to make the U.S. pay a huge geopolitical price. But what he thinks he will gain from this, I don't know. Is it likely that he will achieve anything really significant from it? I doubt it.

You mentioned a geopolitical price tag for the United States. What would it be?

The tendency of much of the world, most of the time, was to try to work with the United States, to the extent that they couldn't automatically do what Washington wanted, but they were inclined to cooperate because they saw it as benign, if not beneficial, to their interests. I think Trump has reversed that. This is going to lead to a disinclination to work with us, an incentive to try to bypass us. I think the inclination now is going to be: I'm not going to vote with the Americans, I'm going to look elsewhere first, for my investment, for my capital, for the market, for what I'm doing, for partners.

But I don't think that these measures are necessarily going to play in favor of any particular country. Maybe China in some places, the European Union in some places, Japan in some places. It's going to be a very different environment for the United States, for American companies and diplomats to operate in. It's going to be much more difficult.

This tariff strategy that you say is hard to understand is seen by some analysts as part of Trump's isolationist policy.

As my kids would say, this is so last century. This is really 19th century, the idea of bringing industries, manufacturing back to the United States. Very little manufacturing, I think, is going to come back to the United States. We have 4% unemployment. We can't fill the jobs that we have now, imagine bringing back manufacturing of basic commodities like shoes, toys, that kind of thing.

That left the United States a long time ago and went to Japan, moved from Japan to Taiwan, moved from Taiwan to South Korea, moved from South Korea to somewhere else, and then moved to China and then to Vietnam. Those things are not coming back here because there's not enough profitability to justify investing in robots and mechanizing those things to bring them back to the United States. Our workforce is small relative to the size of the economy. It's not coming back.

It's already moving from China because labor costs are so high. The fallacy in Trump's logic is that things like furniture, construction, textiles, clothing, and manufacturing would come back. And the people who would actually do the work are the people he's persecuting with his ridiculous immigration policies.

Trump has argued that he imposed the tariffs to curb alleged abuses against the United States that would benefit China. Is he containing Beijing with this move?

I don't think he really cares about containing China. But the answer is no. These moves boost China's image. Beijing has seized on the rhetoric of defending the open, globalized international trading order that the United States has attacked. They will take advantage of that as much as they can. I don't think the tariffs are part of the U.S. rivalry with China. China's rise has not disadvantaged the United States economically — it has done so to Japan, and, to some extent, South Korea and Taiwan, but not the United States. So Trump is using this argument with false, exaggerated, and distorted statements.

Could we witness a change in the world order, the end of the American era and the beginning of a Chinese era?

No.

Not even as a consequence of tariffs?

Absolutely not. Part of the problem is that China's economy is closed. One of the reasons is that it doesn't have a consumer society because people don't have enough income. That's because of the amount of wealth that the state extracts to pay for high-speed rail, military structures, and energy development. Some of that is good, some of it is excess.

U.S. tariffs won’t create a market that can rival the size and influence of the United States. It would have to be somewhere else that is very rich, and China is not very rich. China is barely in the middle-income category, it has a per capita income at a level that Mexico has been at for decades. It's not binary. So, the U.S. retreat from its leadership position in the world order, which I don't necessarily see as a bad thing, doesn't automatically hand that role over to China, Russia, the European Union, Japan, Brazil, the BRICS, or any other set of players.

Can China gain ground by investing more in countries that are affected by tariffs?

China has invested more in countries that are affected by tariffs, like Indonesia and Vietnam. These countries are very wary of Chinese investment for various historical reasons, and to some extent for ethnic reasons. But China is actually cutting back on its overseas investments because its own population is asking: Why are we giving money to countries that are richer than us? That is a reasonable question.

They have real problems meeting the expectations, demands, and needs of their own population, which is now largely urban. The cities have to function, you can't say, "Go back to the farm and do sustainable agriculture." That phase is long gone in China. So they have to spend more. Half of the population still has rural identity cards. That means they don't get free education beyond primary school. That means 50% of the future workforce won't have more than a primary school education. This is a country with enormous challenges. Can they manage them? Probably yes, but there is not much room for maneuver. Their own slowing economy will be hurt by these tariffs. I don't think that's Trump's intention, but it will hurt them.

What impact might the tariffs have on Brazil and Latin America? Do you think China will become more attractive?

I don't know specific commodities from specific places, but my general starting point is that a 10% distribution across Latin America won't have much of an impact on the price for consumers in those countries. You'll export the same amount; we'll pay more for whatever the commodity is, flowers from Colombia, grapes, wine from Argentina or Chile. Since the tariff is general, it doesn't give Chile an advantage on wine over Argentina, because they both have the same amount. Most of what Latin America exports to the United States doesn't go to China.

In short, what are the main consequences of tariffs in terms of the geopolitical landscape and the domestic landscape?

It destabilizes the international trading system that has benefited most countries for a long time. It will force adjustments, that is number one. And number two is that it undermines the image of the United States, and therefore its influence as a stabilizing, predictable, and broadly beneficial member of the international community. It disrupts economies and undermines American influence and attractiveness.

In the end, does anyone benefit from Trump's tariff policies?

No one. This is not a policy that works to anyone's obvious benefit. It upsets everyone. And there is no alternative to the United States, in the sense that the Soviet Union was during the Cold War. China is not that, and China does not want to be that.

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US Research in Retreat?

Zealous measures to defend against foreign exploitation of university-based research would be inadequate to preserve US preeminence in science and technology without much greater effort to strengthen US capabilities.
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Stanford Conference in Taipei Ponders Taiwan’s Path Forward in a Changing World

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Oksenberg Symposium panelists (L to R) Jean C Oi, Alex Gabuev, Sumit Ganguly, Da Wei, Michael McFaul
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Oksenberg Symposium Panelists Analyze Evolving Strategic Dynamics Between China, Russia, India, and the United States

APARC's 2025 Oksenberg Symposium explored how shifting political, economic, and social conditions in China, Russia, India, and the United States are reshaping their strategies and relationships. The discussion highlighted key issues such as military and economic disparities, the shifting balance of power, and the implications of these changes for global stability, especially in the Indo-Pacific region.
Oksenberg Symposium Panelists Analyze Evolving Strategic Dynamics Between China, Russia, India, and the United States
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U.S. President Donald Trump holds up a chart of "reciprocal tariffs" while speaking during a “Make America Wealthy Again” trade announcement event in the Rose Garden at the White House on April 2, 2025 in Washington, DC. | Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
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President Trump's tariff policy will serve no one's interests, says Thomas Fingar, a Shorenstein APARC Fellow at Stanford University's Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.

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Fellowships for Research in Japan Digital flyer with Sakura Cherry Blossoms


Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) is the largest funding agency for academic research in Japan. Fellowships are offered for graduate students, Ph.D. students, post-doctoral fellows, researchers, and professors at all levels in all fields. If you are interested in researching in Japan, join us for a hybrid information session with JSPS SFO staff to find out more. 

Featuring Prof. Kiyoteru Tsutsui, director of the Japan Program at APARC and center deputy director.

JSPS SFO will be hosting a giveaway and providing lunch! 

If you have any questions, you can reach JSPS SFO at: (510) 665-1890 or sfo-fellowship@overseas.jsps.go.jp

Kiyoteru Tsutsui

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Encina Hall 3rd Floor
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Session 6: Japan’s Official Development Assistance — Reexaminations of Major Issues in Modern Japanese Politics and Diplomacy Seminar Series

This lecture is the final installment in the Japan Program's spring 2025 seminar series, Reexaminations of Major Issues in Modern Japanese Politics and Diplomacy.

Session 6: Japan's Official Development Assistance

Japan began its Official Development Assistance in 1954, only 9 years after its defeat, and became No. 1 donor in the 1990s. The amount of ODA began to decline in 1997, reaching half of its peak, and Japan is now No. 3 in the world. However, Japan developed various unique approaches in its ODA. Now, as the US withdraws from ODA and the conflict between advanced and developing countries becomes tense, Japan’s ODA may provide unique approaches to developing countries.

Join us for our 2025 spring quarter seminar series featuring Shorenstein APARC Visiting Scholar and Japan Program Fellow Dr. Shinichi Kitaoka, Emeritus professor at the University of Tokyo and a distinguished scholar in modern Japanese politics, as he presents new interpretations of six major issues in modern Japanese politics based on recent studies in Japan and his own experience as the Ambassador to the United Nations and the President of Japan International Cooperation Agency.

This seminar series re-examines several important and well-known issues in modern Japanese politics and diplomacy from the late 19th century to the 21st century based on the lecturer’s recent research and experience within the government. Topics include Meiji Restoration as a democratic revolution; the resilience of Taisho Democracy; the military as a bureaucracy; surrender and the American occupation; the Yoshida Doctrine and the regime of 1955; the development of ODA policy; and the recent development of security policy in the 21st century.

Catered dinner will be served at seminar sessions.

Speaker:

Headshot photo of Shinichi Kitaoka

Shinichi Kitaoka is the former President of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA: 2015-2022) and Emeritus Professor, University of Tokyo. Previous posts include President of the International University of Japan (2012-2015), professor at University of Tokyo (1997-2012), Professor of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) (2012-), Professor of Graduate Schools for Law and Politics, the University of Tokyo (1997-2004, 2006-2012), Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Deputy Permanent Representative of Japan to the United Nations (2004-2006), and Professor of College of Law and Politics, Rikkyo University (1985-1997).

Dr. Kitaoka’s specialty is modern Japanese politics and diplomacy. He obtained his BA (1971) and PhD (1976) from the University of Tokyo. He is also Emeritus Professor at Rikkyo University. He received many awards including the Medal with Purple Ribbon for his academic achievements in 2011.

Okimoto Conference Room
Encina Hall, Third Floor,
616 Jane Stanford Way, Stanford, CA 94305

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Visiting Scholar, Japan Program Fellow, 2025
kitaoka_photo.jpg Ph.D.

Professor Shinichi Kitaoka joined the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) as Visiting Scholar, Japan Program Fellow for the spring quarter of 2025. He serves as Special Advisor to the President (former President) of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), as well as Emeritus Professor of the University of Tokyo and Rikkyo University. Previously, he was President of JICA. Dr. Kitaoka’s career also includes President of the International University of Japan (2012-2015), Professor of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) (2012-), Professor of Graduate Schools for Law and Politics, the University of Tokyo (1997-2004, 2006-2012), Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Deputy Permanent Representative of Japan to the United Nations (2004-2006), and Professor of College of Law and Politics, Rikkyo University (1985-1997).

Dr. Kitaoka’s specialty is modern Japanese politics and diplomacy. He obtained his B.A. (1971) and his Ph.D. (1976) both from the University of Tokyo.

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Shinichi Kitaoka, Visiting Scholar at APARC and Japan Program Fellow, 2025
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This lecture is the fourth installment in the Japan Program's spring 2025 seminar series, Reexaminations of Major Issues in Modern Japanese Politics and Diplomacy.

Session 4: The Regime of 1955


In 1955, the Liberal Democratic Party and the Japan Socialist Party were formed. While the former led Japan for 38 years, the latter remained out of power. The reasons for this rivalry and the consequences of this system will be discussed.

Join us for our 2025 spring quarter seminar series featuring Shorenstein APARC Visiting Scholar and Japan Program Fellow Dr. Shinichi Kitaoka, Emeritus professor at the University of Tokyo and a distinguished scholar in modern Japanese politics, as he presents new interpretations of six major issues in modern Japanese politics based on recent studies in Japan and his own experience as the Ambassador to the United Nations and the President of Japan International Cooperation Agency.

This seminar series re-examines several important and well-known issues in modern Japanese politics and diplomacy from the late 19th century to the 21st century based on the lecturer’s recent research and experience within the government. Topics include Meiji Restoration as a democratic revolution; the resilience of Taisho Democracy; the military as a bureaucracy; surrender and the American occupation; the Yoshida Doctrine and the regime of 1955; the development of ODA policy; and the recent development of security policy in the 21st century.

Catered dinner will be served at seminar sessions.

Speaker:

 
Headshot photo of Shinichi Kitaoka

Shinichi Kitaoka is the former President of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA: 2015-2022) and Emeritus Professor, University of Tokyo. Previous posts include President of the International University of Japan (2012-2015), professor at University of Tokyo (1997-2012), Professor of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) (2012-), Professor of Graduate Schools for Law and Politics, the University of Tokyo (1997-2004, 2006-2012), Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Deputy Permanent Representative of Japan to the United Nations (2004-2006), and Professor of College of Law and Politics, Rikkyo University (1985-1997).

Dr. Kitaoka’s specialty is modern Japanese politics and diplomacy. He obtained his BA (1971) and PhD (1976) from the University of Tokyo. He is also Emeritus Professor at Rikkyo University. He received many awards including the Medal with Purple Ribbon for his academic achievements in 2011.

Philippines Conference Room
Encina Hall, Third Floor, Central, C330
616 Jane Stanford Way, Stanford, CA 94305

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Visiting Scholar, Japan Program Fellow, 2025
kitaoka_photo.jpg Ph.D.

Professor Shinichi Kitaoka joined the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) as Visiting Scholar, Japan Program Fellow for the spring quarter of 2025. He serves as Special Advisor to the President (former President) of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), as well as Emeritus Professor of the University of Tokyo and Rikkyo University. Previously, he was President of JICA. Dr. Kitaoka’s career also includes President of the International University of Japan (2012-2015), Professor of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) (2012-), Professor of Graduate Schools for Law and Politics, the University of Tokyo (1997-2004, 2006-2012), Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Deputy Permanent Representative of Japan to the United Nations (2004-2006), and Professor of College of Law and Politics, Rikkyo University (1985-1997).

Dr. Kitaoka’s specialty is modern Japanese politics and diplomacy. He obtained his B.A. (1971) and his Ph.D. (1976) both from the University of Tokyo.

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Shinichi Kitaoka, Visiting Scholar at APARC and Japan Program Fellow, 2025
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Flyer for session 3 in the series "Reexaminations of Major Issues in Modern Japanese Politics and Diplomacy" with a headshot of speaker Shinich Kitaoka

This lecture is the first installment in the Japan Program's spring 2025 seminar series, Reexaminations of Major Issues in Modern Japanese Politics and Diplomacy.

Session 3: Surrender and Occupation

What was the purpose of the United States? What did unconditional surrender mean? Why were the atomic bombs dropped? How was the constitution written and the Tokyo International Tribunal conducted? The legacies of occupation will also be discussed.

 

Join us for our Spring Quarter Seminar Series featuring Shorenstein APARC Visiting Scholar and Japan Program Fellow Dr. Shinichi Kitaoka, Emeritus professor at the University of Tokyo and a distinguished scholar in modern Japanese politics, presents his new interpretations of six major issues in modern Japanese politics based on recent studies in Japan and his own experience as the Ambassador to the United Nations and the President of Japan International Cooperation Agency.

This seminar series re-examines several important and well-known issues in modern Japanese politics and diplomacy from the late 19th century to the 21st century based upon the lecturer’s recent research and experience within the government. Major topics are, Meiji Restoration as a democratic revolution, resilience of Taisho Democracy, Military as a bureaucracy, Surrender and the American Occupation, Yoshida Doctrine and the Regime of 1955, Development of ODA policy, and recent development of Security Policy in the 21st Century.

Catered dinner will be served at seminar sessions.

 

Speaker:

Headshot photo of Shinichi Kitaoka

Shinichi Kitaoka is the former President of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA: 2015-2022) and Emeritus Professor, University of Tokyo. Previous posts include President of the International University of Japan (2012-2015), professor at University of Tokyo (1997-2012), Professor of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) (2012-), Professor of Graduate Schools for Law and Politics, the University of Tokyo (1997-2004, 2006-2012), Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Deputy Permanent Representative of Japan to the United Nations (2004-2006), and Professor of College of Law and Politics, Rikkyo University (1985-1997).

Dr. Kitaoka’s specialty is modern Japanese politics and diplomacy. He obtained his B.A. (1971) and his Ph.D. (1976) both from the University of Tokyo. He is Emeritus Professor of the University of Tokyo and Rikkyo University. He received many awards including the Medal with Purple Ribbon for his academic achievements in 2011.

Philippines Conference Room
Encina Hall, Third Floor, Central, C330
616 Jane Stanford Way, Stanford, CA 94305

1
Visiting Scholar, Japan Program Fellow, 2025
kitaoka_photo.jpg Ph.D.

Professor Shinichi Kitaoka joined the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) as Visiting Scholar, Japan Program Fellow for the spring quarter of 2025. He serves as Special Advisor to the President (former President) of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), as well as Emeritus Professor of the University of Tokyo and Rikkyo University. Previously, he was President of JICA. Dr. Kitaoka’s career also includes President of the International University of Japan (2012-2015), Professor of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) (2012-), Professor of Graduate Schools for Law and Politics, the University of Tokyo (1997-2004, 2006-2012), Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Deputy Permanent Representative of Japan to the United Nations (2004-2006), and Professor of College of Law and Politics, Rikkyo University (1985-1997).

Dr. Kitaoka’s specialty is modern Japanese politics and diplomacy. He obtained his B.A. (1971) and his Ph.D. (1976) both from the University of Tokyo.

Date Label
Shinichi Kitaoka, Visiting Scholar at APARC and Japan Program Fellow, 2025
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Digital flyer for Shorenstein APARC Japan Program April 15, 2025 event: Recalibrating U.S.-Japan Collaboration in a Time of Tumult

 


As the United States redefines its role in the world, its closest ally, Japan, gains new prominence while facing new pressures, new challenges, and new opportunities. This symposium features leading experts on issues that concern the American, Japanese, and global public in this turbulent time. They will explore the evolving U.S.-Japan ties from various angles and engage in a wide-ranging conversation spanning the liberal international order, global trade, DEI, civil society — and baseball.

Free lunch and refreshments will be provided on a first-come, first-served basis

This symposium is co-sponsored by the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center Japan Program and the United States-Japan Foundation
 

Agenda

 

Session 1 – Global Democracy, Foreign Aid, and Regional Security: As the U.S. Pulls Back, Will Tokyo Step Up?

12:00 PM - 1:30 PM


Larry Diamond, Mosbacher Senior Fellow of Global Democracy at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies

Shinichi Kitaoka, former Japanese Ambassador to the United Nations, former former President of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA

Kiyoteru Tsutsui, Director, Japan Program at Shorenstein APARC; Stanford Professor of Sociology



Session 2 – How Tariffs and Trade Wars are Reshaping the Indo-Pacific

1:45 PM - 2:30 PM


Wendy Cutler, Vice President at the Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI), former Acting Deputy United States Trade Representative

Peter Wonacott, Managing Editor, Stanford Doerr School of Sustainability; former Wall Street Journal Deputy Washington Bureau Chief



Session 3 — The Future of DEI, ESG, SDGs: Will Japan Follow the U.S. or Stay the Course?

2:30 PM - 3:15 PM


Keiko Tashiro, Deputy President, Head of Sustainability, Daiwa Securities Group Inc.

Gayle Peterson, Associate Fellow, Saïd School of Business, University of Oxford

Patricia Bromley, Co-Director, Stanford Center on Philanthropy and Civil Society



Session 4 — Redefining the Relationship Through Civil Society: Burden Sharing, Knowledge Sharing, Picking up the Slack

3:30 PM - 4:15 PM


Mike Berkowitz, Executive Director, Democracy Funders Network

Laura Deal Lacey, Executive Vice President, International Milken Institute

Jacob M. Schlesinger, President & CEO, United States-Japan Foundation



Session 5 — Diamond Diplomacy Redux: Baseball as a Bilateral Bridge

4:15 PM - 5:00 PM


Stan Kasten, President & CEO, Los Angeles Dodgers

Yuriko Gamo Romer, Director/Producer, Diamond Diplomacy documentary



Speakers


 

Larry Diamond

Larry Diamond is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and the Mosbacher Senior Fellow in Global Democracy at Stanford's Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI). He chairs the Hoover Institution Project on Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region. He is the founding co-editor of the Journal of Democracy and serves as a senior consultant at the International Forum for Democratic Studies of the National Endowment for Democracy. His research focuses on democratic trends and conditions around the world and on policies and reforms to defend and advance democracy. During 2002–03, he served as a consultant to the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and was a contributing author of its report Foreign Aid in the National Interest.

Headshot photo of Shinichi Kitaoka

Shinichi Kitaoka is a Shorenstein APARC visiting scholar and Japan Program fellow. He was president of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA: 2015-2022) and is an emeritus professor at the University of Tokyo. Previous posts include president of the International University of Japan (2012-2015), professor at University of Tokyo (1997-2012), professor of the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) (2012-), professor of Graduate Schools for Law and Politics, the University of Tokyo (1997-2004, 2006-2012), ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary, deputy permanent representative of Japan to the United Nations (2004-2006), and professor of the College of Law and Politics, Rikkyo University (1985-1997). His specialty is modern Japanese politics and diplomacy. He is a former member of the Board of Trustees of the United States-Japan Foundation.

Square portrait photo of Kiyoteru Tsutsui

Kiyoteru Tsutsui is the Henri H. and Tomoye Takahashi Professor and Senior Fellow in Japanese Studies at Shorenstein APARC, the director of the Japan Program, and deputy director at APARC, a senior fellow of the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, and Professor of Sociology, all at Stanford University. His research interests lie in political/comparative sociology, social movements, globalization, human rights, and Japanese society. His current projects include studies of populism and the future of democracy, global expansion of corporate social responsibility and its impact on corporate behavior, Japan’s public diplomacy, and perceptions of Japan in the world. He is a fellow in the United States-Japan Foundation's U.S.-Japan Leadership Program network.

Wendy Cutler, VP of Asia Society

Wendy Cutler is vice president at the Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI) and the managing director of the Washington, D.C. office. She focuses on leading initiatives that address challenges related to trade, investment, and innovation, as well as women’s empowerment in Asia. She joined ASPI after nearly three decades as a diplomat and negotiator in the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR), where she also served as acting deputy U.S. trade representative. During her USTR career, she worked on a range of bilateral, regional, and multilateral trade negotiations and initiatives, including the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, U.S.-China negotiations, and the WTO Financial Services negotiations. She is a member of the Board of Trustees of the United States-Japan Foundation.

headshot photo of Peter wonacott

Peter Wonacotis managing editor of a new global-facing sustainability publication being developed at the Stanford Doerr School of Sustainability. He previously worked for nearly three decades at The Wall Street Journal, where he was a correspondent in China, a senior correspondent in South Asia, chief of the Africa bureau, chief of the Middle East and North Africa bureau, and deputy chief of Washington coverage. He spent a year at the Johns Hopkins University-/Nanjing University Center for U.S.-China Studies, and is fluent in Mandarin.

headshot photo of Keiko Tashiro

Keiko Tashiro is a Member of the Board, Deputy President at Daiwa Securities Group, a position she has held since 2019. She currently serves as the Head of Asset Management, Sustainability and Financial Education. She has held various positions at Daiwa, including overseas assignments in Singapore, London, and New York. Outside of the firm, she serves as Vice Chairman at the Japan Association of Corporate Executive, a Trustee of the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) foundation and Vice Chair of the Daiwa Anglo-Japanese Foundation. She is also a member of the Board of Trustees of the United States-Japan Foundation.

headshot photo of Gayle Peterson

Gayle Peterson is associate fellow at Saïd Business School, University of Oxford and senior managing director of pfc social impact advisors. She directs Oxford's Impact Investing Programme and the Social Finance Programme. She has two decades of experience as a strategist, philanthropist, and advisor to social investors worldwide and has managed and assessed more than $15 billion in philanthropic and social investments to alleviate poverty, mitigate climate change, promote gender and financial inclusion, and build the capacity of new leaders in the field of social finance. She is currently leading a global case and film series, Ten Years in the Making: Japan’s Impact Economy, examining the role of philanthropy, public, and private sectors in addressing Japan’s most complex socio-economic challenges.  

bromley patricia gse

Patricia Bromley is associate professor in the Graduate School of Education, the Doerr School of Sustainability, and (by courtesy) Sociology at Stanford University. She also directs the Scandinavian Consortium for Organizational Research (SCANCOR) and is co-director of the Center on Philanthropy and Civil Society (PACS). She teaches courses related to sustainable development, nonprofit organizations, and global education policy. Her research examines the expansive societal effects of the rise and globalization of a liberal world culture as well as contemporary challenges to that order, such as growing restrictions on civil society organizations. Much of her current work takes place in the Global Civil Society and Sustainable Development Lab in PACS. Current research includes multiple projects related to sustainable development, education, organizations, and civil society.

Headshot photo of Mike Berkowitz

Mike Berkowitz is co-founder & principal at Third Plateau, where he leads the firm’s Democracy practice and works across its Philanthropic Management and Jewish Community Impact portfolios. He serves as executive director of the Democracy Funders Network, a cross-ideological learning and action community for donors concerned about the health of American democracy. He is also co-founder of Patriots & Pragmatists, a network and convening space through which civic leaders and influencers debate, envision, and realize a brighter future for American democracy. He is a senior advisor to the Pritzker Innovation Fund, which supports the development and advancement of paradigm-shifting ideas to address the world’s most wicked problems, with a primary focus on climate and energy and on U.S. democracy. 

Headshot photo of Laura Deal Lacey

Laura Deal Lacey is the Executive Vice President of International at the Milken Institute. 

As the first employee of the Milken Institute in Asia, Deal Lacey was instrumental in establishing its center, programs, and activities in the Asia Pacific region. Over time, her responsibilities expanded to strategically grow the Institute’s presence across Europe, the Middle East, Latin America, and Africa.

Before joining the Institute, Deal Lacey served as the Executive Director of the American Chamber of Commerce in Singapore, where she represented the interests of U.S. companies, working to advance policy and business issues facing American businesses in Southeast Asia.

She serves on the board of FWD Insurance (Group) and is a member of the advisory board for The Sim Kee Boon Institute for Financial Economics at Singapore Management University.

Deal Lacey holds a Bachelor of Science from Arizona State University, a Master of Science from Columbia University, and an International Directors Certificate in Corporate Governance from INSEAD in France.

Headshot photo of Jacob M. Schlesinger

Jacob M. Schlesinger is president and CEO of the United States-Japan Foundation, an organization that gives grants and runs a fellowship program dedicated to bolstering relations between the two countries. Schlesinger previously worked at The Wall Street Journal for more than 30 years as a reporter and editor in Washington, D.C., Tokyo, and Detroit. He was a fellow at Stanford’s Asia-Pacific Research Center from 1994-1996 and returned to Stanford in 2021 as a fellow at the Distinguished Careers Institute, where he studied the threats and challenges to democracy, in the U.S. and around the world.  

Headshot photo of Stan Kasten

Stan Kasten is president & CEO of the Los Angeles Dodgers baseball team, a position he has held since 2012. He has been a member of numerous ownership committees in Major League Baseball, the National Basketball Association, and the National Hockey League, and is a former trustee of the Naismith Basketball Hall of Fame. In 1999, he became the first person to hold the title of president of three different teams in three different major sports simultaneously, doing so with MLB’s Atlanta Braves, the NBA’s Atlanta Hawks, and the NHL’s Atlanta Thrashers. He currently serves on the Advisory Board of the Professional Women’s Hockey League, founded in 2023. He is a member of the Board of Trustees of the United States-Japan Foundation.

Headshot photo of Yuriko Gamo Romer

Yuriko Gamo Romer is an award-winning documentary filmmaker. Her documentary, Diamond Diplomacy (funded in part by the U.S. Japan Foundation) is about U.S.-Japan relations through a shared love of baseball. Romer’s previous films include Baseball Behind Barbed Wire, about the WWII Japanese American incarceration and Mrs. Judo about Keiko Fukuda (1913-2013) the first woman to attain the tenth-degree black belt in judo (nationally on PBS, 20+ film festivals internationally and the Grand Jury Award for Best Documentary, 2013 International Festival of Sport Films Moscow.  Her thesis Occidental Encounters won the Student Academy Award (Gold Medal), and Heartland Film Festival’s Jimmy Stewart Memorial Crystal Heart Award. MA documentary filmmaking, Stanford University. (Teaching fellowship, National Academy of Television Arts and Sciences Scholar)

Frances C. Arrillaga Alumni Center
Fisher Conference Center
326 Galvez Street
Stanford, CA 94305

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