International Relations

FSI researchers strive to understand how countries relate to one another, and what policies are needed to achieve global stability and prosperity. International relations experts focus on the challenging U.S.-Russian relationship, the alliance between the U.S. and Japan and the limitations of America’s counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan.

Foreign aid is also examined by scholars trying to understand whether money earmarked for health improvements reaches those who need it most. And FSI’s Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center has published on the need for strong South Korean leadership in dealing with its northern neighbor.

FSI researchers also look at the citizens who drive international relations, studying the effects of migration and how borders shape people’s lives. Meanwhile FSI students are very much involved in this area, working with the United Nations in Ethiopia to rethink refugee communities.

Trade is also a key component of international relations, with FSI approaching the topic from a slew of angles and states. The economy of trade is rife for study, with an APARC event on the implications of more open trade policies in Japan, and FSI researchers making sense of who would benefit from a free trade zone between the European Union and the United States.

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Fei Yan, a postdoctoral fellow at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, has been awarded a prize from the China and Inner Asia Council (CIAC) for his paper on political rivalries during China’s Cultural Revolution. The award aims to recognize emerging scholarship and foster intellectual exchange among experts working on China and Inner Asia topics, according to the award website.

Yan was presented the award at the Association for Asian Studies Annual Conference on March 27. CIAC released the following statement:

“In his paper, Fei Yan offers a new interpretation of the factional rivalries that wracked China's provinces during the early years of the Cultural Revolution. His focus is on the dispute between the so-called ‘radical’ Red Flag faction and the so-called ‘conservative’ East Wind faction that came to a head in Guangzhou in 1967. Making use of previously unavailable archival sources, he offers a meticulous and detailed description of the extent to which this split was based less on deep ideological differences and more on intense power rivalries and disagreements over tactics.”

Yan specializes in Chinese politics and political culture, and comparative social policy within transitional economies and authoritarian settings. He will join the Department of Political Science at Tsinghua University as an assistant professor this fall.

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Each year the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center offers fellowship opportunities to recent graduates to further their research and engage with scholars at Stanford. Postdoctoral fellows have the opportunity to develop their dissertations for publication, present their research to the Stanford community, and participate in Center activities.

Fellows often go on to pursue teaching positions and advisory roles at top universities and research organizations around the world. Into the future, they remain engaged with the Center and continue to contribute to Shorenstein APARC publications, conferences and related activities.

Shorenstein APARC is pleased to welcome three postdoctoral fellows for the 2015-16 academic year:

Asia Health Policy Fellow

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Darika Saingam

Saingam’s research interests are public health, substance abuse, drug policy and Southeast Asia. While at Shorenstein APARC, she will research the evolution of substance-abuse control measures and related policy in Thailand.

Saingam seeks to identify potentially effective policy directions suitable for Thailand, and other developing countries in Southeast and East Asia.

“There are a lot of lessons to be learned from substance abuse policy implementations in other countries…coping and dealing with substance abuse is a complex story and cannot respond successfully with only one strategy.”

Saingam completed her doctorate in epidemiology at the Prince of Songkla University in 2012, and has served as a researcher at the University’s epidemiology unit since, as well as a researcher at the Thailand Substance Abuse Academic Network since 2014.

Shorenstein APARC Postdoctoral Fellows

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Booseung Chang

Chang’s research interests are comparative policy analysis and political institutions in East Asia, mainly South Korea and Japan. While at Shorenstein APARC, Chang will conduct research on how countries respond differently to the same external challenges, and how institutions are interpreted and applied in different ways.

His dissertation, which he seeks to build upon, is titled “The Sources of Japanese Conduct: Asymmetric Security Dependence, Role Conceptions, and the Reactive Behavior in response to U.S. Demands.” It is a qualitative comparative case study of how key U.S. allies in Asia – namely Japan and South Korea – and major powers in Europe - the United Kingdom and France responded to the U.S.-led Persian Gulf War and the Iraq War.

“East Asia is a treasure island of new theory building because some of the big challenges facing East Asia – finding a new role for Japan, denuclearization of North Korea, unification of the Korean peninsula, democratization of China and reconfiguration of its relations with the world, and development and integration of Southeast Asian countries – are truly new ones…”

Chang completed his doctorate in political science from the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University in 2014.

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Nico Ravanilla

Ravanilla’s research interests are political economy and governance, comparative politics and Southeast Asia. While at Shorenstein APARC, Ravanilla will research how political selection impacts governance, and evaluate possible routes for incentivizing capable and virtuous citizens to run for public office.

His project titled “Nudging Good Politicians” looks at the case of the Sangguniang Kabataan, a governing body in the Philippines comprised of elected youth leaders. Ravanilla aims to apply his research to develop and scale up programs for politicians, especially those at the onset of their careers, which would include specialized leadership training and merit-based endorsement.

“If we could design a policy that screens-in and incentivizes competent and honest citizens to run for office, would it play a catalytic role in improving the quality of the political class, and ultimately, the quality of government?”

Ravanilla is also a Southeast Asia Research Group (SEAREG) Young Southeast Asia Fellow for 2015-16. He will complete his doctorate in political science and public policy from the University of Michigan in summer 2015.

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View of Hoover Tower from Stanford's main quad.
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In conversation with Shorenstein APARC, Takeo Hoshi, Stanford professor and director of the Japan Program, discusses his intial draw to studying the Japanese economy, and its intersections with finance and public policy. Hoshi highlights some of his recent research and the Japan Program's upcoming activities, including a new student course focused on innovation-based economic growth in Silicon Valley and Japan.

What led you to study the Japanese economy?

I majored in social sciences as an undergrad at the University of Tokyo. I was especially intrigued by macroeconomics – the study of the aggregate economy (GDP growth, inflation, unemployment, etc.).  I came to the United States to pursue graduate studies at the Massachusetts Institute for Technology. In the 1980s, Japan’s economy was growing relatively fast and performing better than the United States and other advanced economies. Japan was boring for a macroeconomist. But soon after I got my doctorate in economics, Japan started to encounter some economic problems and became interesting, so this is what I started to investigate. I shifted my focus from theoretical work to empirical work, and began to look at the Japanese economy, especially its financial aspects.

Can you tell us more about your current research focus?

I have continued to do research on Japan’s financial system. I have just completed two papers on this subject. One examines financial regulatory changes in Japan after the global financial crisis, and the second studies the development of capital market regulations in Japan, again focusing on the period after the global financial crisis. I also have a research project on institutional foundations for innovation-based economic growth. I work with Kenji Kushida, also at Shorenstein APARC, and Richard Dasher, at the U.S.-Asia Technology Management Center, for this project. We study the economy seen in Silicon Valley, perhaps the best example of innovation-based economic growth, and examine what Japan needs to do to achieve similar growth. For example, here in Silicon Valley, venture capital plays a very important role in providing capital to startups. In Japan, the role and size of venture capital is much smaller. We’ve been researching to find out why this is. Good ideas always exist in a society, but depending on the condition of the economy and policies created, entrepreneurs may find barriers to getting them anywhere without access to capital. It’s about connecting capital to the right ideas at the right time.

What’s ahead for the Japan Program this year?

The Japan Program has several events coming up. In April, an event will focus on international terrorism and how Japan faces newer security threats such as the Islamic State. Given the recent killings of the Japanese hostages, the threat of international terrorism is evident to people in Japan. For U.S. citizens, it’s been apparent for awhile, but for Japanese citizens it is a more recent realization. The Japan Program also has an upcoming project that highlights the 70th anniversary of World War II, which is being commemorated this year. At the 50th and 60th anniversaries of the War, the prime minister of Japan gave a short statement reflecting on Japan’s past actions and reinforcing its pacifist vision for the future. The current leader Shinzo Abe will also do this. Colleagues from Shorenstein APARC and the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies have been asked to write a short statement that they would give if they were in the Prime Minister’s shoes. A broad cross section of faculty authors coming from different disciplines are participating and will provide diverse views. The collection of statements will be compiled into a report (in both English and Japanese).

This spring, you’re teaching a new course Innovation Based Economic Growth. What makes this course unique?

I’m very excited to be back teaching again. Since arriving at Stanford in 2011, I haven’t yet taught a course, so it’s a great opportunity. It’s a project-based course focused on innovation policy in Japan. Students will form groups and perform research on several policies aimed at encouraging innovations in Japanese businesses. Students will then analyze those policies once they are implemented. In the process, students will develop a framework for policy evaluation. And for some of those policies, we may be able to collaborate with a part of the Japanese government to implement a policy evaluation framework.

Tell us something we don’t know about you.

I am a devote San Diego Chargers fan. And, as a child, my dream job was to own a hardware store.

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In late January this year, the news that two Japanese hostages were killed by ISIL (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) sent a shock wave all over Japan.  This was not the first time that Japanese citizens were killed by international terrorists, but the length of time that Japanese general public were exposed to the unfolding event (12 days) sets this apart from the other incidences.  Some argue that this would mark a turning point for Japan's approach against political terrorism abroad. In the statement following confirmation of the killings, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe stated “We will never forgive the terrorists.  We will collaborate with the world community to make them pay the price.”  The Japanese public also started to pay more attention to the issue of international terrorism.  In the latest survey on defense issues and SDF (Self Defense Forces) conducted by the Japanese Cabinet, 42.6% of the respondents answered that they are concerned about activities by international terrorists, up from 30.3% three years ago.  We ask experts in the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies to discuss the future of international terrorism and Japan’s responses.

 

Speaker Bios

Martha Crenshaw - Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institue for International Studies; Professor, by courtesy, of Political Science at Stanford University

Takeo Hoshi - Henri H. and Tomoye Takahashi Senior Fellow in Japanese Studies at FSI; Professor, by courtesy, of Finance, Graduate School of Business and Director, Japan Program, Shorenstein APARC at Stanford University

Daniel Sneider - Associate Director for Research, Shorenstein APARC at Stanford University

Nobuhiro Watanabe - Deputy Consul General, Consulate General of Japan in San Francisco

 

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Former Henri H. and Tomoye Takahashi Senior Fellow in Japanese Studies at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
Former Professor, by courtesy, of Finance at the Graduate School of Business
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Takeo Hoshi was Henri and Tomoye Takahashi Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), Professor of Finance (by courtesy) at the Graduate School of Business, and Director of the Japan Program at the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC), all at Stanford University. He served in these roles until August 2019.

Before he joined Stanford in 2012, he was Pacific Economic Cooperation Professor in International Economic Relations at the Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies (IR/PS) at University of California, San Diego (UCSD), where he conducted research and taught since 1988.

Hoshi is also Visiting Scholar at Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, Research Associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) and at the Tokyo Center for Economic Research (TCER), and Senior Fellow at the Asian Bureau of Finance and Economic Research (ABFER). His main research interest includes corporate finance, banking, monetary policy and the Japanese economy.

He received 2015 Japanese Bankers Academic Research Promotion Foundation Award, 2011 Reischauer International Education Award of Japan Society of San Diego and Tijuana, 2006 Enjoji Jiro Memorial Prize of Nihon Keizai Shimbun-sha, and 2005 Japan Economic Association-Nakahara Prize.  His book titled Corporate Financing and Governance in Japan: The Road to the Future (MIT Press, 2001) co-authored with Anil Kashyap (Booth School of Business, University of Chicago) received the Nikkei Award for the Best Economics Books in 2002.  Other publications include “Will the U.S. and Europe Avoid a Lost Decade?  Lessons from Japan’s Post Crisis Experience” (Joint with Anil K Kashyap), IMF Economic Review, 2015, “Japan’s Financial Regulatory Responses to the Global Financial Crisis” (Joint with Kimie Harada, Masami Imai, Satoshi Koibuchi, and Ayako Yasuda), Journal of Financial Economic Policy, 2015, “Defying Gravity: Can Japanese sovereign debt continue to increase without a crisis?” (Joint with Takatoshi Ito) Economic Policy, 2014, “Will the U.S. Bank Recapitalization Succeed? Eight Lessons from Japan” (with Anil Kashyap), Journal of Financial Economics, 2010, and “Zombie Lending and Depressed Restructuring in Japan” (Joint with Ricardo Caballero and Anil Kashyap), American Economic Review, December 2008.

Hoshi received his B.A. in Social Sciences from the University of Tokyo in 1983, and a Ph.D. in Economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1988.

Former Director of the Japan Program at the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center
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Nobuhiro Watanabe
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Co sponsored by the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law

In Hanoi on November 2, 2010, a member of the Vietnam Communist Party (VCP) stood before the National Assembly (VNA) and on live television called for a vote of confidence in the prime minister—a sitting member of the Politburo. The speech immediately gained national attention, and the delegate’s face graced the front page of at least one prominent state-run news media outlet. Considering the docility of other communist legislatures, such as China’s, is the VNA unique in its influence? If so, how did it acquire such prominence?

Prof. Schuler will challenge existing theories on legislative institutionalization under authoritarian rule that emphasize the co-optation of opposition groups and the stabilization of internal power-sharing arrangements. He will argue instead that legislative institutionalization in this case was designed to professionalize the legislature to generate a more coherent legal code. In doing so, rather than providing more routinized avenues for participation among existing political forces, as existing theories suggest, the institutionalization of the VNA empowered a new, and sometimes unpredictable, set of actors. In his talk he will also pursue this insight comparatively in relation to China among other authoritarian polities.

Paul Schuler will be an assistant professor in government and public policy at the University of Arizona starting this fall. His publications have appeared in the American Political Science Review, the Legislative Studies Quarterly, and the Journal of East Asian Studies among other places. His researches focuses on institutions, elite politics, and public opinion in authoritarian regimes, particularly Vietnam.  His 2014 PhD in political science is from the University of California, San Diego.

 

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Paul Schuler 2014-2015 Shorenstein Postdoctoral Fellow in Contemporary Asia
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The April, 2014 general elections in India gave a strong mandate to Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its platform of reviving Indian economic and political performance.  The United States, still in the midst of a  chill in Indo-U.S.relations stemming from the arrest of an Indian diplomat in New York some months earlier, and after a long period of minimal contact with then-Gujarati Chief Minister Modi, reached out quickly after the election with a phone call from President Obama inviting the PM-elect to the U.S.  The first six months of the Modi administration saw a dramatic uptick in U.S.-India engagement across the board, including a first-ever U.S.-India Tech Summit, PM Modi's visit to Washington, and President Obama's return visit to Delhi in January 2015, the first  U.S. President to visit India twice during his Presidency, and the first-ever U.S. leader visiting as "Chief Guest" at India's signature Republic Day celebrations.

So is the U.S.-India relationship now poised to be, as President Obama has predicted, "one of the defining relationships of the 21st century?"  Is India under Modi making a strategic shift toward closer cooperation with the U.S.?  What are the implications and likely outcomes of Modi's outreach to Asia, and his declared intent to "Act East?"  What role can the U.S. play in addressing India's vast developmental and environmental challenges, including energy, climate change, sanitation, infrastructure, health, and education?

Ambassador Kathleen Stephens, 2013-2014 Koret Fellow at Shorenstein APARC, was recalled to the American diplomatic service to go to India as Charge d' Affaires at the U.S. Mission there from June 2014 to January 2015.  She is returning to Stanford to share her first-hand experience leading the American diplomatic effort during the first seven months of the Modi government, and to discuss the challenges and opportunities in Modi's India, and in U.S.-India relations going forward.  
 

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Kathleen Stephens was the William J. Perry Distinguished Fellow at Stanford University's Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center from 2015 to 2017


Kathleen Stephens, a former U.S. ambassador to the Republic of Korea, is the William J. Perry Fellow in the Korea Program at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC). She has four decades of experience in Korean affairs, first as a Peace Corps volunteer in rural Korea in the 1970s, and in ensuing decades as a diplomat and as U.S. ambassador in Seoul.

Stephens came to Stanford previously as the 2013-14 Koret Fellow after 35 years as a U.S. Foreign Service officer. Her time at Stanford, though, was cut short when she was recalled to the diplomatic service to lead the U.S. mission in India as charge d'affaires during the first seven months of the new Indian administration led by Narendra Modi.

Stephens' diplomatic career included serving as acting under secretary of state for public diplomacy and public affairs in 2012; U.S. ambassador to the Republic of Korea from 2008 to 2011; principal deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs from 2005 to 2007; and deputy assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian affairs from 2003 to 2005, responsible for post-conflict issues in the Balkans, including Kosovo's future status and the transition from NATO to EU-led forces in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

She also served in numerous positions in Asia, Europe and Washington, D.C., including as U.S. consul general in Belfast, Northern Ireland, from 1995 to 1998, during the negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement, and as director for European affairs at the White House during the Clinton administration, and in China, following normalization of U.S.-PRC relations.

Stephens holds a bachelor’s degree in East Asian studies from Prescott College and a Master of Public Administration from Harvard University, in addition to honorary degrees from Chungnam National University and the University of Maryland. She studied at the University of Hong Kong and Oxford University, and was an Outward Bound instructor in Hong Kong. She was previously a senior fellow at Georgetown University's Institute for the Study of Diplomacy.

Stephens' awards include the Presidential Meritorious Service Award (2009), the Sejong Cultural Award, and Korea-America Friendship Association Award (2013). She is a trustee at The Asia Foundation, on the boards of The Korea Society and Pacific Century Institute, and a member of the American Academy of Diplomacy.

She tweets at @AmbStephens.

 

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"North Korean Human Rights: A Long Journey with Little Progress" examines human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea) and the approaches that the European Union has taken to address the situation. In this paper, Mike Cowin provides perspective on EU-DPRK engagement; the two sides officially established diplomatic relations in May 2001. The EU and its members have continued to raise the human rights issue during bilateral meetings. But, North Korea says it will continue to refuse dialogue if the EU continues to sponsor resolutions against North Korea at the UN Human Rights Commission/Council. The EU has rejected this as a precondition. "The EU has had no incentive or justifiable reason to take the initiative to break out of this chicken-and-egg dilemma...The DPRK has also maintained its position. The gap between the two sides has therefore widened," he writes. Cowin suggests the EU could take additional steps to restart EU-DPRK engagement.

Mike Cowin is the 2014-15 Pantech Fellow in the Korea Program at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center. Before coming to Stanford, he served as the deputy head of mission at the British Embassy in Pyongyang, North Korea. He has also served in the British embassies in Seoul from 2003 to 2007, and in Tokyo from 1992 to 1997.

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Increasingly in scholarly descriptions of state responses to power ascendancy, the classic distinction between “balancing” and “bandwagoning” has been superseded by the less dichotomous term “hedging” as a name for what is really going on. Few, however, have tried to clarify what distinguishes hedging from other strategies, what causes weaker states to hedge, and why they hedge in different ways.

Prof. Kuik will focus on Southeast Asian states’ responses to China.  Hedging occurs, he will argue, when one country pursues contradictory policies toward two or more competing powers in order to prepare a fallback position should circumstances change.  Hedging is likely when two conditions are present:  when threats are neither immediate nor straightforward, and when sources of vital support are uncertain.  At the domestic level, hedging is often the most viable approach because its contradictory attributes allow ruling elites to optimize multiple policy tradeoffs and thereby to enhance their legitimacy at home.  The hedging behaviors of ruling elites are a function of their respective strategies of legitimation.  

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Cheng-Chwee Kuik is a co-convener of the East Asia and International Relations Forum at the National University of Malaysia and an associate member of the Institute of China Studies at the University of Malaya.  From September 2013 until July 2014, he was a postdoctoral research associate in the Princeton-Harvard China and the World Program at Princeton University.  His writings in English and Chinese have appeared in The Asan Forum (2014), Asian Security (2013), the Chinese Journal of International Politics (2013), Asian Politics and Policy (2012), Contemporary Southeast Asia (2008 & 2005), Shijie Jingji yu Zhengzhi (2004), and various edited books.  His essay “The Essence of Hedging:  Malaysia and Singapore's Response to a Rising China” was awarded the biennial 2009 Michael Leifer Memorial Prize by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies for the best article published in any of its three journals.

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Cheng-Chwee Kuik Associate Professor of International Relations, National University of Malaysia
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The attack on Mark Lippert, the American ambassador to South Korea, made headlines worldwide on Thursday. Since his arrival in Seoul last October, Lippert received high marks from the Korean people and the media for his accessibility to the public there. Lippert, a Stanford graduate, is a very close friend of President Obama, who has called him “brother,” and attended his ambassadorial swearing-in ceremony.

The Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center asked David Straub to discuss the incident and its significance. The associate director of the Korea Program at Stanford, Straub served as a career diplomat at the U.S. embassy in Seoul from 1999 to 2002 and is the author of the forthcoming book about that period called Anti-Americanism in Democratizating South Korea.

What actually happened?

A South Korean extreme left-wing activist, Kim Ki-jong, slashed Ambassador Lippert with a kitchen knife Thursday morning at a public event in Seoul. Koreans at the event immediately wrestled the assailant to the floor, but not before he had inflicted several wounds on the ambassador: a long, deep gash on his cheek and cuts to his wrist and fingers. The ambassador was taken straightway to hospital, where surgeons repaired the damage in a three-hour operation. The prognosis is that he will regain the full use of his fingers in about six months, and that the scar on his face will be barely noticeable in one or two years. His doctors plan to remove the eighty stitches on his cheek on Monday, and, if all is well, release him from the hospital then. But it was a close call. Had the face wound extended only one inch farther down, it would have severed his carotid artery.

How is Ambassador Lippert doing?

He told his doctors on Friday that the facial wound was not bothering him particularly, but he did have some pain in his wrist and fingers. Doctors say he has some nerve damage there but the pain should ease soon. Ambassador Lippert’s response has been laudable. Consistent with the outstanding way he has comported himself in Korea since his arrival, he promptly tweeted on Thursday that he was “Doing well & in great spirits!” I am also aware that he was even responding to email wishes from some Stanford friends on Thursday.

Was Kim acting alone? How was it possible for him to perpetrate this attack?

Kim was the only person who attacked Ambassador Lippert, and he has stated that he acted alone.  Kim was a member of the organization that hosted Ambassador Lippert, but had not been invited to the function. The incident is still being investigated but Korean press reports say that the U.S. embassy declined South Korean police protection some time ago. Korea is considered a relatively safe country for American diplomats. This will all be sorted out in coming days and weeks, and U.S. and South Korean authorities will determine if other security arrangements are needed for Ambassador Lippert. In any event, it does not appear that this was an egregious security or intelligence failure on anyone’s part. Ambassadors are public figures and it’s not possible to provide them with perfect protection.

What was the assailant’s motivation?

Kim said that he wanted to emphasize that the United States is responsible for preventing improved inter-Korean relations because it does such things as participate in the ongoing combined military exercises with South Korean forces. North Korea cites the annual exercises as a pretext for not talking with the South, claiming each year that they are a prelude to an invasion. But Kim is a sad sack figure even within South Korea’s anti-American far left, which is a very small but vocal minority. Kim has been arrested many times in the past for outrageous and violent behavior, such as throwing pieces of concrete at the Japanese ambassador in 2010. He heads his own little NGO, but the Korean left has mostly avoided him because of his bizarre behavior. He even set himself on fire in 2007 near the Blue House to protest an alleged attack on an associate. Although I have never met him, it is my impression that Kim is clearly mentally and emotionally unstable.

How have the Korean government and people responded?

From the people who wrestled the assailant to the ground, to the surgeons and the thousands of people who are wishing Ambassador Lippert well, South Koreans have responded with an outpouring of support. Ambassador Lippert has already conveyed his deep gratitude for that on Twitter. President Park, who is currently on an official visit to the Middle East, telephoned Ambassador Lippert on Thursday; so did Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se. President Obama also called the ambassador to wish him a speedy recovery. Unfortunately, North Korea’s reaction has been very different: its official media applauded the attack as “deserved punishment” for “a warmongering United States.”

There are press reports that South Koreans are worried that this attack could hurt U.S.-Korean relations.

There is indeed considerable concern being expressed in South Korea at the moment that the incident could hurt bilateral relations, but there is no reason at all to believe that will be the case. Top U.S. officials have already stated that the incident will only strengthen U.S.-Korean relations. I recall the reaction in Seoul to the mass shooting by Seung-hui Cho at Virginia Tech in 2007. Cho had grown up in the United States but remained a Korean citizen. Many South Koreans were very fearful that the U.S. government would punish South Koreans, such as by not issuing visas, and that Americans would attack South Koreans on the streets in the United States. Of course, nothing like that happened. Americans understood the tragedy for what it was: not a “Korean” but a fellow human being with severe mental illness and access to guns.

You say that Kim appears to have a mental disability. But there are press reports that he lectured for the South Korean unification ministry’s education institute as well as at a major university in Seoul. How could such a person get those positions?

I am curious and concerned about those reports. For me, the bigger question about that is not Kim’s particular policy views but how someone with such obvious behavioral and apparently mental issues could receive such positions. But he held those jobs several years ago, so perhaps his behavior has become worse in the meantime.

I understand that Kim has already been charged with attempted murder and that Korean authorities are considering whether to charge him under the National Security Law owing to frequent travel to North Korea and possible other links with the North Korean government.

Unless Korean authorities find evidence that Kim was working for North Korea, which I doubt was the case (but which should of course be investigated due to his numerous trips to the country), it would be unfortunate for U.S.-South Korean relations to charge him under the controversial National Security Law. The U.S. government has criticized that law for decades for the McCarthyite way South Korean governments have sometimes implemented it to suppress alleged “pro-North Korean” thinking. Some South Korean leaders are calling the incident “pro-North Korean terrorism” and the work of “pro-North Korean forces.” That seems to me to be unwisely elevating the violent behavior of one deranged person and ascribing to it a significance it does not deserve.

Ambassador Lippert’s Twitter handle is @mwlippert.

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In 2009, President Barack Obama confers with Mark Lippert, the then-National Security Council chief of staff. Since Oct. 2014, Lippert has served as the U.S. ambassador to South Korea.
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