International Relations

FSI researchers strive to understand how countries relate to one another, and what policies are needed to achieve global stability and prosperity. International relations experts focus on the challenging U.S.-Russian relationship, the alliance between the U.S. and Japan and the limitations of America’s counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan.

Foreign aid is also examined by scholars trying to understand whether money earmarked for health improvements reaches those who need it most. And FSI’s Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center has published on the need for strong South Korean leadership in dealing with its northern neighbor.

FSI researchers also look at the citizens who drive international relations, studying the effects of migration and how borders shape people’s lives. Meanwhile FSI students are very much involved in this area, working with the United Nations in Ethiopia to rethink refugee communities.

Trade is also a key component of international relations, with FSI approaching the topic from a slew of angles and states. The economy of trade is rife for study, with an APARC event on the implications of more open trade policies in Japan, and FSI researchers making sense of who would benefit from a free trade zone between the European Union and the United States.

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The United States faces a formidable set of international challenges, from emboldened terrorist organizations, weakening democratic norms, and continued uncertainty within the global financial system. However, there is some light coming out of South Asia.  The deepening ties between the United States and India can have a profound and positive impact on global security and prosperity. The relationship is developing in the context of a growing global debate on the ability of constitutional democracies to address 21st century security and development challenges—maritime security, territorial disputes, economic inclusivity, and climate change. And it is developing in the context of an Indian debate about whether and how India will assume its natural place as a leading power in the world. A successful U.S.-India strategic partnership can deliver a decisive response to these questions. If two countries with very different economic, cultural, and geographic situations can achieve a level of strategic collaboration that safeguards prosperity, peace, and stability both within and beyond their own borders, it will demonstrate that principles of participatory governance remain relevant and vital to the global good.

 

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Richard Verma serves as the 25th United States Ambassador to India. He was nominated by President Obama on September 18th, 2014, and was confirmed by the U.S. Senate and sworn in by Secretary of State John Kerry in December 2014. Ambassador Verma oversees one of the largest U.S. Missions in the world, including four consulates across India and nearly every agency of the U.S. government.

As a former Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs in the Obama Administration, he led the State Department’s efforts on Capitol Hill and served as a senior member of Secretary Hillary Rodham Clinton’s team.

Ambassador Verma previously worked in the Senate as the Senior National Security Advisor to the Senate Majority Leader, Harry Reid. He also worked in the House of Representatives for longtime Chairman of the Defense Appropriations Committee, Jack Murtha. He is veteran of the U.S. Air Force, where he served on active duty as a Judge Advocate. Rich was also a country director for the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs in Eastern Europe.

Richard Verma 25th U.S. Ambassador to India
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The fourteenth session of the Korea-U.S. West Coast Strategic Forum, held Stanford University on June 25, 2015, convened senior South Korean and American policymakers, scholars and regional experts to discuss North Korea policy and recent developments on the Korean Peninsula. Hosted by the Korea Program at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center at Stanford University, the Forum is also supported by the Korea National Diplomatic Academy.

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Stanford professor Gi-Wook Shin has been reappointed for another term as the director of Stanford's Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC), from July 1, 2016 through Aug. 31, 2019. The announcement was made yesterday in an email.

“I have been blessed with such a wonderful group of faculty, staff and visitors over the years and am truly grateful for your confidence in me and support of my work,” Shin said. “I look forward to continuing to work with all of you in the coming years.”

Shin has since 2005 served as director of Shorenstein APARC, one of six centers within the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI).

“We are extremely grateful for Gi-Wook’s leadership and are looking forward to his continued dedication to Shorenstein APARC and FSI,” FSI Director Michael McFaul said.

A comparative historical and political sociologist, Shin came to Stanford in 2001 to build a program focused on Korean studies. Under his leadership, Shorenstein APARC and the Korea Program have grown into a premiere forum for scholars, government officials and business leaders to convene on the interdisciplinary study of contemporary Asia.

Shin is a critically acclaimed author/editor of more than a dozen books and numerous articles. His recent works include an examination of how South Korea can leverage brain drain in Global Talent: Skilled Labor as Social Capital in Korea and an analysis of how memories of World War II are interpreted in contemporary Asia and Europe in Confronting Memories of World War II: European and Asian Legacies.

Shin will be on sabbatical leave from Oct. 1, 2015, through June 30, 2016. During that time, Takeo Hoshi will serve as the center’s acting director.

Hoshi is a senior fellow in FSI and a professor, by courtesy, of finance at Stanford’s Graduate School of Business. He also leads the Japan Program at Shorenstein APARC.

Kathleen Stephens will serve as the acting director of the Korea Program in Shin’s absence. Announced earlier this year, Stephens will join the center in September as the William J. Perry Distinguished Fellow in Korean Studies.

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Gi-Wook Shin is reappointed as director of the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center.
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Distrust between the United States and China continues to grow in Northeast Asia. Among many contributing factors, the North Korea issue is one of the most important, as illustrated by the controversy over the possible deployment of the United States’ THAAD missile defense system in South Korea. Thus, resolving or mitigating the Korea problem, a significant goal in its own right to both the United States and China, is also essential to reducing U.S.-PRC (People's Republic of China) strategic distrust. China and the United States share long-term interests vis-à-vis the Korean peninsula. The question is how its resolution might be achieved. U.S. efforts to induce North Korea to abandon its nuclear and missile programs by offering incentives and imposing sanctions have failed, and Chinese attempts to encourage Pyongyang to adopt PRC-style economic reforms have not fared much better. With Washington, Beijing, and Pyongyang unlikely to change their approaches, the hope for any new initiative must rest with Seoul. South Korea’s special relationships with the North, the United States, and the PRC, along with its status as a dynamic middle power, give it the potential to play a larger leadership role in dealing with North Korea. In doing so, South Korea should consult with the United States and China on a long-term strategy for inter-Korean reconciliation that would, for now, finesse the nuclear issue. Such a strategy would require U.S. and Chinese support of the South Korean leadership in addressing the Korea problem. The process of working together with Seoul to formulate and implement this strategy would allow both powers to ensure that their long-term interests on the peninsula are respected. Although there is no guarantee that such an effort will succeed, the worsening situation on and around the Korean peninsula and the U.S. and PRC’s lack of progress all argue for this new approach, as do the potential benefits to the U.S.-PRC relationship.

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David Straub
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North Korea today threatened military action against South Korea if it did not end its propaganda broadcasts along the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) within 48 hours. The broadcasts against the North are being systematically blared by loudspeakers over the border.   

South Korea resumed the broadcasts earlier this week after an 11-year hiatus, in retaliation for North Korea’s planting landmines just outside a South Korean DMZ guard post that crippled two South Korean soldiers on Aug. 4.

David Straub, associate director of the Korea Program at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center and a former Korean affairs director at the U.S. Department of State, offers insights on the situation. Straub also spoke on PRI's "The World" radioshow on Aug. 20, the audioclip and summary can be accessed by clicking here.

What’s behind the current tensions on the Korean Peninsula?

Fundamentally, the current situation is just another symptom of the underlying problem, which is the division of Korea into two competing states, with one of them—North Korea—having a Stalinist totalitarian system and a Maoist-style cult of personality. Since North Korea can’t compete with the South economically and diplomatically, it uses the threat of force or the actual use of it to try to intimidate South Korea. The North Koreans know that South Korea tends to “blink first” and step back because it is democratic and its leaders are concerned about civilian casualties.

The current situation is also related to the leadership transition in North Korea, with leader Kim Jong Un succeeding his father Kim Jong Il three years ago. Kim Jong Un still feels insecure, which is clearly evidenced by his execution of his powerful uncle Jang Seong-taek in 2013 and many other leaders there as well. To solidify support for his rule, he also manufactures a South Korean threat to rally his people behind him.

What does North Korea want?

North Korea’s immediate demand is that South Korea stop its propaganda broadcasts across the DMZ. The South Korean broadcasts criticize the North Korean system and its leaders, which is something that the North, with its cult of personality, can’t accept. But the South resumed the broadcasts only because the North Koreans recently snuck into the South Korean side of the DMZ and viciously planted landmines just outside a South Korean guard post. These were clearly intended to maim South Korean soldiers. They did just that, blowing the legs off two young men.

The North Korean regime’s long-term aim is not just to survive but also to get the upper hand on South Korea, and eventually try again to reunify the peninsula on its own terms. That explains why North Korea behaves as it does, rather than reform its system and reconcile with the South.

The North also demands an end to all U.S. and South Korean military exercises on the peninsula—even though the North has a much larger military than the South and U.S. forces there combined and is developing nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. Ultimately, the North wants to end the U.S.-South Korean alliance and see U.S. forces withdrawn from the peninsula, in the belief that it will open the way to eventual victory over the South.

Why did the South resume the broadcasts? Was it a good idea?

South Korea resumed the loudspeaker broadcasts in retaliation for the maiming of two of its soldiers on August 4th. Rather than retaliate by attacking militarily, the South resumed the loudspeaker broadcasts because the South Korean military knows that North Korean leaders hate them.

The South Korean military believes that North Korean leaders hate the broadcasts because they are effective in educating young North Korean soldiers and civilians in earshot about the nature of the regime and its leaders. The South Korean military seems to assume that the broadcasts are effective in that regard because they anger the North Korean leaders so much. But I think the reason the broadcasts anger the North Korean leaders is due to the cult of personality. The North Korean system can’t accept the idea of its leaders being criticized.

So I don’t think it was necessarily a wise step on the part of the South Korean military to resume the broadcasts. On the other hand, politically, by crippling two South Korean soldiers, the North Koreans had left South Korea with no option but to respond in some way. After the North Koreans killed fifty South Koreans in two separate sneak attacks five years ago, the South Korean government warned that it was not going to sit back the next time. The resumption of the broadcasts has further raised tensions but, frankly, given the danger of war on the peninsula, the South doesn’t have a lot of good ways to respond to North Korean provocations.

How serious is the situation?

North Korea has now threatened military action in 48 hours if South Korea doesn’t end the propaganda broadcasts. The North often makes threats. Usually, it doesn’t carry them out, but sometimes it does.

The United States and South Korea are conducting an annual military exercise together in the South until the end of August—something else that the North Koreans are demanding an end to. Most experts feel that the North is unlikely to launch a major provocation while the American presence is bolstered and the U.S. and South Korean militaries are paying full attention. The North Korean leaders know they are weaker than our side, so they usually avoid frontal assaults and instead engage in sneak attacks, at times and places and in ways of their own choosing.

There is more uncertainty in recent years because of the aggressive and threatening behavior thus far of Kim Jong Un, who is young and inexperienced. He seems anxious about his position in the North and prepared to take risks to bolster it, including rallying the people behind him by raising tensions with the South. We also don’t know if the North feels freer to engage in major provocations because it has developed at least a handful of nuclear devices since its first nuclear test in 2006.

So I myself wouldn’t be afraid to visit Seoul now but the situation bears even closer watching than usual.

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North Korean soldiers stand guard at the Demilitarized Zone, 2008.
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Center members are cordially invited to the

2015 - 2016 Center Orientation

Come meet new colleagues and learn about

research & projects taking place this year,

while enjoying a delicious lunch

 

 

Conferences

Shorenstein APARC
Encina Hall, Room E301
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

(650) 725-2532 (650) 723-6530
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Administrative Associate, Japan Program
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Amanda Stoeckicht joined the the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center's Japan Program in July of 2015. Prior to Stanford, she worked in recruiting as well as finance and operations. She graduated from the University of British Columbia with a bachelor's degree in Japanese language and culture.

Shorenstein APARC
Encina Hall, Room E301
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

(650) 724-9632 (650) 723-6530
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Program Coordinator, China Program
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Adam Martyn was the program coordinator of the China Program at the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center. He earned a bachelor's degree in international studies from New York University. As a student at NYU, Martyn researched infanticide in rural West Africa. He also spent a semester studying at Eastern China Normal University in Shanghai. Prior to attending NYU, Martyn served as a volunteer with the United States Peace Corps in Ghana, West Africa. As a Peace Corps volunteer, he coordinated several technical training events and developed health and education outreach programs.

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A version of this paper, "Security Challenges in a Turbulent World: Fewer Enemies, More Challenges, and Greater Anxiety," delivered at the International Areas Studies Symposium at the University of Okalhoma, on Feb. 26, 2015, is also available in English by clicking here.

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Institute of International and Strategic Studies, Peking University
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Thomas Fingar
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Two key challenges facing Northeast Asia are how to tame the power of nationalism and create shared memories of history, Stanford professor Gi-Wook Shin wrote in The Diplomat

Shin, director of the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC), urged action on the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II. Northeast Asians should use the commemoration as an “opportune occasion to reflect on their unfortunate past to learn lessons,” only then can the region become more peaceful and prosperous.

Shin and Daniel Sneider, Shorenstein APARC’s associate director for research, lead the Divided Memories and Reconciliation research project which examines memories of the wartime experience in Northeast Asia and what steps can be taken to reconcile disputes over history.

One of their latest outcomes is the book Confronting Memories of World War II: European and Asian Legacies (April 2015), edited with University of Washington professor Daniel Chirot, that studies how wartime narratives are interpreted, memorialized and used in Europe and Asia.

The full article in The Diplomat can be accessed by clicking here.

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Men dressed as Japanese imperial army soldiers march at the Yasukuni Shrine in August 2011, on the anniversary of the end of World War II.
Reuters/Issei Kato
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