International Relations

FSI researchers strive to understand how countries relate to one another, and what policies are needed to achieve global stability and prosperity. International relations experts focus on the challenging U.S.-Russian relationship, the alliance between the U.S. and Japan and the limitations of America’s counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan.

Foreign aid is also examined by scholars trying to understand whether money earmarked for health improvements reaches those who need it most. And FSI’s Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center has published on the need for strong South Korean leadership in dealing with its northern neighbor.

FSI researchers also look at the citizens who drive international relations, studying the effects of migration and how borders shape people’s lives. Meanwhile FSI students are very much involved in this area, working with the United Nations in Ethiopia to rethink refugee communities.

Trade is also a key component of international relations, with FSI approaching the topic from a slew of angles and states. The economy of trade is rife for study, with an APARC event on the implications of more open trade policies in Japan, and FSI researchers making sense of who would benefit from a free trade zone between the European Union and the United States.

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On the surface, Thai-China relations have never been better, as the two countries work to raise their ties to a higher and broader plane. A five-year plan for strategic cooperation now under negotiation covers political, military, and security affairs; multi-sectoral trade and investment; health, education, information, technology, and culture; and regional and multilateral foreign policy. China is comfortable working with the military government that has ruled Thailand since 2014, and vice versa.

Beijing credits the exercise of Chinese “soft power” in Southeast Asia with having improved Thai views of China. Analysts characterize the warming as a new version of Thailand’s old habit of adapting to powerful outsiders by “bending with the wind.” Prof. Pavin will argue that, although the application of soft power has helped China’s cause in Thailand, it is not the main reason for the present warming of ties between the two countries. Indeed, in the long run, Chinese soft power could prove disastrous for Thailand.

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Pavin Chachavalpongpun is currently a visiting scholar at the University of California-Berkeley’s Center for Southeast Asia Studies. He was recently at Stanford as a Lee Kong Chian NUS-Stanford Distinguished Fellow on Contemporary Southeast Asia (2015-16). His many publications include Good Coup Gone Bad: Thailand’s Political Development since Thaksin’s Downfall (edited, 2014); Reinventing Thailand: Thaksin and His Foreign Policy (2010); and A Plastic Nation: The Curse of Thainess in Thai-Burmese Relations (2005). He is the editor of the Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia. His PhD is from the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (2003).

Pavin Chachavalpongpun Associate Professor, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University
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Taeho Kim joins Shorenstein APARC as a Visiting Scholar during 2016-2017 academic year.

Kim's research interest is in South Korea's national security issues and preparation for reunification of the Korean Peninsula. He was a National Assembly Member from 2011 to 2016 and governor of South Gyeongsang Province from 2004 to 2010 in Korea. He holds a BA and an MA in agricultural education, and a PhD in education from Seoul National University

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Portrait of Prof. Andrew Walder

Stanford professor Andrew Walder has been awarded the Founder’s Prize from the journal Social Science History for his paper, “Rebellion and Repression in China, 1966-1971.” The journal’s editorial board selects one recipient annually for exemplary scholarly work.

Using data from 2,213 historical county and city annals, the paper charts the breadth of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, its evolution through time and the repression through which state structures were rebuilt in the post-Mao era.

Walder, who is a senior fellow in the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies and director emeritus of the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, has long studied the sources of conflict, stability and change in communist regimes. He recently published China under Mao, a book that explores the rise and fall of Mao Zedong’s radical socialism.

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Conflicting views of international law versus national interest are churning the South China Sea. In The Hague on 12 July 2016, an Arbitral Tribunal ruled in favor of the Republic of the Philippines and against the People’s Republic of China regarding the latter’s claims and behavior in the South China Sea. Beijing has denounced the decision and refuses to abide by it. The Philippines’ new and outspoken president has refused to press China toward compliance, seemingly preferring to seek economic benefits from China instead. The US and Japan, among other countries, have supported the ruling, but in a muted fashion, as if to avoid antagonizing China. 

Did the Arbitral Court do the right or the wrong thing? Did the judges (in)correctly interpret the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)? Has the unwillingness of Manila and Washington to champion the court’s decision made the prospect of Beijing’s eventual dominance in Southeast Asia more likely? Has China’s self-assigned and so far successful impunity undermined global compliance with UNCLOS? Or does Beijing’s pragmatic emphasis on realpolitik over moralpolitik point the way toward a practical alleviation of tensions that global jurisprudence cannot achieve? And what if the court’s ruling were applied to other sweeping maritime claims to land features in the Pacific, including the exclusive economic zones drawn by Tokyo around Okinotorishima or by Washington around its mid-ocean “Minor Outlying Islands”? Would the US comply? And lastly: What next?

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Jay L. Batongbacal
and Yann-huei Song are internationally regarded experts on the Law of the Sea with extensive knowledge of and experience in maritime affairs. Prof. Batongbacal’s many publications include a recent chapter in Power, Law, and Maritime Order in the South China Sea (2015). His doctorate in Jurisprudential Science is from Dalhousie University (2010). Prof. Song’s many publications include a recent volume, The United States and Maritime Disputes in the South China Sea (2016). His doctorate in the Science of Law is from the University of California-Berkeley (2000).

 

 

Jay L. Batongbacal Associate Professor, College of Law, and Director, Institute for Maritime Affairs and Law of the Sea, University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines
Yann-huei Song Research Fellow, Institute of European and American Studies, Academia Sinica, and Adjunct Professor, School of Law, Soochow University, Taipei, Taiwan
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Photo courtesy of wbur.org April 2015Northeast Asia is now a central arena to determine the future of nuclear safety and security. The Fukushima nuclear accident, and its ongoing aftermath, is at the forefront of the debate over the utility of nuclear energy in resolving global issues of climate change and energy security. And North Korea’s headlong rush towards acquisition of nuclear weapons and delivery systems has sparked talk of going nuclear in both South Korea and Japan and discussion over how to provide extended deterrence, including the role of missile defense.

The Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center has brought together the representatives of the three principle powers in the region – China, Japan and South Korea – together with our own academic expert to discuss these issues.

 

Panelists:

Liyou Zha, Deputy Consul General of the Peoples Republic of China, San Francisco

Born in 1964, Jiangsu Province, Consul Zha began his career in 1987 at the State Economic Commission and moved from there to work in the Organization Department of the Communist Party of China. He began his service in the Foreign Ministry in 1990 with the Department of Consular Affairs and the Department of Personnel. From 2012 he served at Chinese Embassy in the United States as Counselor and Deputy Head of Office for Congressional and State Government Affairs. He has served as Deputy Consul General of the People's Republic of China in San Francisco since March 2015. 

Shouichi Nagayoshi, Deputy Consul General of Japan, San Francisco

Deputy Consul General Shoichi Nagayoshi began his career with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan in 1988. His assignments overseas have included posts in the United Kingdom, Ghana, New York, and Malaysia. His assignments in Tokyo have included works at European Affairs Bureau, Disarmament, Non-Proliferation and Science Department and Foreign 

Jimin Kim, Deputy Consul General of the Republic of Korea, San Francisco

Has been Deputy Consul General of the Republic of Korea in San Francisco since August 2016. Most recently, he served as Director of Protocol from 2015 to 2016. He has been a career diplomat for almost 20 years. His prior foreign mission posts include First Secretary at the Korean Embassy in Japan from 2008-2011 and Counselor at the Korean Embassy in the Dominican Republic from 2011 to 2013. Consul Kim received a B.S. in Foreign Service from Georgetown University and an M.A. in International Affairs from Columbia University. He was awarded the Citation of the Foreign Minister in 2011.

Phillip Lipscy, The Thomas Rohlen Center Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Assistant Professor of Political Science

Takeo Hoshi (moderator), Henri H. and Tomoye Takahashi Senior Fellow in Japanese Studies at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies

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This past July, I returned from my sabbatical. During my eight months away from the Stanford campus, I was based in Korea at the Graduate School of International Studies of Seoul National University and traveled through many other parts of Asia. It allowed me to take a step back and reflect—it was the longest time I had spent in Korea since leaving for the United States as a graduate student in 1983.
Gi-Wook Shin
While I have visited Korea many times on business and other matters, living there for an extended period of time was quite a different experience. Korea is certainly a place with lots of excitement and convenience but also concerns and worries. 

What struck me most during my conversations with many colleagues and friends in Asia was a realization that they were all grappling with how to address and find breakthrough solutions to current societal challenges. They referred to numerous, interrelated problems arising from low birth rate, aging population, brain drain, pollution, political corruption and low cultural tolerance, to mention a few examples. Based on those conversations and my overall experience living in Korea, I am now preparing a book manuscript Korea seen from Inside and Outside.

Next Monday, we begin the new academic year at Stanford. And with that occasion, I extend my sincere thanks to colleagues who stepped in during my leave last year, in particular, to Takeo Hoshi who served as acting director.

Reengaging with academic writing and my duties as director has been invigorating. I remain convinced that Shorenstein APARC continues to play an important role in developing new knowledge and encouraging dialogue on policy-relevant challenges in contemporary Asia.
 
The Center will soon be launching a new multiyear research project, the New Asia Project, which aims to offer insight on the question: “what’s next for Asia?” Our faculty, fellows and researchers will delve into social, cultural and educational areas that could push Asia ahead. We will have completed our Divided Memories and Reconciliation Project after a decade of scholarly work on historical narratives of World War II in Asia. The Center will continue to convene seminars, workshops and conferences that bring together scholars, policymakers and regional experts from around the world and strive to make the multimedia available to all online.
 
Three postdoctoral scholars and four emerging and mid-career professionals are joining us this year as fellows. They carry a broad range of research interests—from hospital reform in Vietnam to the economic consequences of elite politics in China. The Center remains committed to nurturing a new generation of scholars and professionals working on Asia-Pacific issues. We also welcome a diverse cohort of Corporate Affiliate Visiting Fellows, who will work on ambitious research endeavors under the mentorship of our faculty.
 
Through our partnerships with Brookings Institution Press and Stanford University Press, we continue to publish our work. We have published 9 books in the past year and expect 4 books in the coming months. They include Divergent MemoriesChallenges in the Process of China’s Urbanization and a translation from Korean of Peace on a Knife’s Edge, among other publications in leading journals and presses around the world.
 
The Center has changed quite a bit since I first began my directorship in 2005. We now have five vibrant research programs, one initiative and one corporate affiliate program. They are integral parts of the Center but also have emerged as robust entities in their own right. This year we will be celebrating the 10th anniversary of our China Program and Asia Health Policy Program.
 
For readers in Asia, a number of our faculty and fellows will be coming to Seoul and Tokyo for a public seminar series following the U.S. presidential election this November. A special alumni gathering will also be hosted in Seoul (Nov. 15) and Tokyo (Nov. 17). There will also be a conference on world-class universities on Nov. 4-5 at Stanford Center at Peking University. Stay tuned for an official announcement.
 
As I resume my duties as Center director, I look forward to another engaging year.

Gi-Wook Shin
Director

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Ambassador Osius will make remarks on U.S.-Vietnam relations in the wake of President Obama’s May 2016 visit. He will focus on the unfinished task of reconciliation. Relations were normalized in 1995. Yet many in Vietnam’s diaspora community, especially those most affected by the legacies of the war, oppose rapprochement and engagement. Overseas communities can play important and constructive roles in relations between their countries of origin and the rest of the world. Ambassador Osius will argue that a fully engaged Vietnamese-American community could and would contribute a lot toward growing the U.S. partnership with Vietnam, including helping to shape a beneficial future of greater trade, improved regional stability, and an expanded role for civil society.

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Ted Osius is the sixth U.S. ambassador to Vietnam (December 2014-Present). Previously he was an associate professor and a senior fellow, respectively, at the National War College and the Center for Strategic and International Studies; deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta; and political minister-counselor at the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi. His earlier career included service as regional environment officer for Southeast Asia and the Pacific in the U.S. State Department and as senior advisor on international affairs in the Office of the Vice President. 

This event is co-sponsored by the U.S. - Asia Security Initiative and the Southeast Asia Program
Ted Osius U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam
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Accidental State

Abstract

The existence of two Chinese states—one controlling mainland China, the other controlling the island of Taiwan—is often understood as a seemingly inevitable outcome of the Chinese civil war. Defeated by Mao Zedong, Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalists fled to Taiwan to establish a rival state, thereby creating the “Two Chinas” dilemma that vexes international diplomacy to this day. Accidental State challenges this conventional narrative to offer a new perspective on the founding of modern Taiwan.

Hsiao-ting Lin marshals extensive research in recently declassified archives to show that the creation of a Taiwanese state in the early 1950s owed more to serendipity than careful geostrategic planning. It was the cumulative outcome of ad hoc half-measures and imperfect compromises, particularly when it came to the Nationalists’ often contentious relationship with the United States.

Taiwan’s political status was fraught from the start. The island had been formally ceded to Japan after the First Sino–Japanese War, and during World War II the Allies promised Chiang that Taiwan would revert to Chinese rule after Japan’s defeat. But as the Chinese civil war turned against the Nationalists, U.S. policymakers reassessed the wisdom of backing Chiang. The idea of placing Taiwan under United Nations trusteeship gained traction. Cold War realities, and the fear of Taiwan falling into Communist hands, led Washington to recalibrate U.S. policy. Yet American support of a Taiwan-based Republic of China remained ambivalent, and Taiwan had to eke out a place for itself in international affairs as a de facto, if not fully sovereign, state.

 

Biography

Hsiao-ting Lin is a research fellow and curator of the East Asia Collection at the Hoover Institution. He holds a BA in political science from National Taiwan University (1994) and an MA in international law and diplomacy from National Chengchi University in Taiwan (1997). He received his DPhil in oriental studies in 2003 from the University of Oxford, where he also held an appointment as tutorial fellow in modern Chinese history. In 2003–4, Lin was a postdoctoral fellow at the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California at Berkeley. In 2004, he was awarded the Kiriyama Distinguished Fellowship by the Center for the Pacific Rim, University of San Francisco. In 2005–7, he was a visiting fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he participated in Hoover’s Modern China Archives and Special Collections project. In April 2008, Lin was elected a fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland for his contributions to the studies of modern China’s history.

Lin’s academic interests include ethnopolitics and minority issues in greater China, border strategies and defenses in modern China, political institutions and the bureaucratic system of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang), and US-Taiwan military and political relations during the Cold War. He has published extensively on modern Chinese and Taiwanese politics, history, and ethnic minorities, including Accidental State: Chiang Kai-shek, the United States, and the Making of Taiwan (Harvard University Press, 2016); Modern China’s Ethnic Frontiers: A Journey to the West (Routledge, 2011); Breaking with the Past: The Kuomintang Central Reform Committee on Taiwan, 1950–52 (Hoover Press, 2007); Tibet and Nationalist China’s Frontier: Intrigues and Ethnopolitics, 1928–49 (UBC Press, 2006), nominated as the best study in the humanities at the 2007 International Convention of Asia Scholars; and over a hundred journal articles, book chapters, edited volumes, reviews, opinion pieces, and translations. He is currently at work on a manuscript that reevaluates Taiwan’s relations with China and the United States during the presidency of Harry Truman to that of Jimmy Carter.

 

This event is sponsored by the Taiwan Democracy Project in the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law. It is free and open to the public, and lunch will be served. Please RSVP by November 28.

Reuben Hills Conference Room

2nd Floor, Encina Hall East

Hsiao-ting Lin Librarian, East Asian Archives, Hoover Institution
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Taiwan's Democracy Challenged

This discussion will be based on the authors' recently published book, Taiwan's Democracy Challenged: The Chen Shui-bian Years, Lynne Rienner Publishing (2016).

Abstract

At the end of Chen Shui-bian’s two terms as the president of Taiwan, his tenure was widely viewed as a disappointment, if not an outright failure. Today, the Chen years (2000-2008) are remembered mostly for relentless partisan fighting over cross-Strait relations and national identity questions, prolonged political gridlock, and damaging corruption scandals—as an era that challenged, rather than helped consolidate, Taiwan’s young democracy and squandered most of the promise with which it began.

Yet as Taiwan’s Democracy Challenged: The Chen Shui-bian Years documents, this conventional narrative obscures a more complex and more positive story. The chapters here cover the diverse array of ways in which democratic practices were deepened during this period, including the depoliticization of the military and intelligence forces, the ascendance of an independent and professional judicial system, a strengthened commitment to constitutionalism and respect for the rule of law, and the creation of greater space for civil society representatives in the policy-making process. Even the conventional wisdom about unprecedented political polarization during this era is misleading: while elite politics became more divided and acrimonious, mass public opinion on cross-Strait relations and national identity was actually converging.

Not all developments were so positive: strong partisans on both sides of the political divide remained only weakly committed to democratic principles, the reporting of news organizations became more sensationalist and partisan, and the Taiwanese state’s exceptional autonomy from sectoral interests and vaunted capacity for long-term planning deteriorated. But on the whole, the authors argue, these years were not squandered. By the end of the Chen Shui-bian era, Taiwan’s democracy was firmly consolidated. 

 

This event is sponsored by the Taiwan Democracy Project in the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law. It is free and open to the public, and lunch will be served. Please RSVP by October 31.

Taiwan's Democracy Challenged presentation slides
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CISAC Central Conference Room, Encina Hall 2nd Floor

Larry Diamond Senior Fellow and Principal Investigator, Taiwan Democracy Project
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Kharis Templeman is the former project manager of the Taiwan Democracy and Security Project in the U.S.-Asia Security Initiative at the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC). He currently serves as advisor to the Taiwan Democracy and Security Project. A fluent Mandarin speaker, he has lived, worked and traveled extensively in both Taiwan and the People’s Republic of China.

His research includes projects on party system institutionalization and partisan realignments, electoral integrity and manipulation in East Asia, the politics of defense spending in Taiwan, and the representation of Taiwan’s indigenous minorities. His most recent publication is “The China Model: How Successful Is the Chinese Regime?” a review essay in the Taiwan Journal of Democracy. He is also the editor (with Larry Diamond and Yun-han Chu) of Taiwan’s Democracy Challenged: The Chen Shui-bian Years (2016, Lynne Rienner Publishing). Other work has appeared in Comparative Political Studies and the APSA Comparative Democratization Newsletter.

Dr. Templeman currently serves as coordinator of the American Political Science Association Conference Group on Taiwan Studies (CGOTS) and as a regional manager for the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project. He holds a BA (2003) from the University of Rochester and a PhD (2012) in political science from the University of Michigan.

Former Project Manager, Taiwan Democracy and Security Project
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