International Relations

FSI researchers strive to understand how countries relate to one another, and what policies are needed to achieve global stability and prosperity. International relations experts focus on the challenging U.S.-Russian relationship, the alliance between the U.S. and Japan and the limitations of America’s counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan.

Foreign aid is also examined by scholars trying to understand whether money earmarked for health improvements reaches those who need it most. And FSI’s Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center has published on the need for strong South Korean leadership in dealing with its northern neighbor.

FSI researchers also look at the citizens who drive international relations, studying the effects of migration and how borders shape people’s lives. Meanwhile FSI students are very much involved in this area, working with the United Nations in Ethiopia to rethink refugee communities.

Trade is also a key component of international relations, with FSI approaching the topic from a slew of angles and states. The economy of trade is rife for study, with an APARC event on the implications of more open trade policies in Japan, and FSI researchers making sense of who would benefit from a free trade zone between the European Union and the United States.

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For directions to the Jen-Hsun Huang Engineering Center, please click here.


The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) commenced operations on January 16, 2016. The Bank has approved 24 projects totaling US$4.26 billion to date, and its approved membership totals 84 with 64 members having completed all membership requirements and 20 prospective members in the process of finalizing their membership.
 
President Jin Liqun will give his assessment of the bank’s first two years – its accomplishments and challenges – and the future direction of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. What is the potential impact of AIIB’s financing for regional infrastructure, trade connectivity and economic relations? How can multilateral institutions and various stakeholders best address the US$26 trillion infrastructure gap (from 2016 to 2030) in Asia? How is the AIIB distinguishing itself from other multilateral development banks like the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank? What is the AIIB’s commitment and contributions toward global economic governance and best international practices?


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Jin Liqun
Jin Liqun is the inaugural President and Chair of the Board of Directors of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). Before being elected as the Bank’s first president, he served as Secretary-General of the Multilateral Interim Secretariat (MIS) tasked with establishing AIIB. Immediately prior to assuming the role of Secretary-General of the MIS, he was Chair of China International Capital Corporation Limited, China’s first joint-venture investment bank. From 2008 to 2013, he served as Chair of the Supervisory Board, China Investment Corporation. From 2009 to 2012, he served as Deputy Chair then subsequently as Chair of the International Forum of Sovereign Wealth Funds. From 2003 to 2008, Jin was Vice President, and then Ranking Vice President, of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), in charge of programs for South, Central and West Asia and private sector operations. He joined the Ministry of Finance in 1980, where he served as Director General and Assistant Minister before becoming Vice Minister in 1998. He was also a Member of the State Monetary Policy Committee. Earlier in his career, he served as Alternate Executive Director for China at the World Bank and at the Global Environment Facility as well as Alternate Governor for China at ADB. Jin holds a master’s degree in English Literature from Beijing Institute of Foreign Languages (now Beijing Foreign Studies University). He was also a Hubert Humphrey Fellow in the Economics Graduate Program at Boston University from 1987 to 1988. Jin is a national of the People’s Republic of China.


 

Mackenzie Room

Jen-Hsun Huang Engineering Building, 3rd Floor

475 Via Ortega, Stanford, CA 94305

Jin Liqun <i>President and Chair, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank</i>
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Under the guidance of the Aspen Institute Congressional Program, thirteen members of Congress convened at Stanford University from March 2-5 to discuss policy options regarding the current North Korea crisis. The representatives deliberated with scholars and practitioners to acquire a better understanding of North Korea and its ruling regime, review the regional actors and their interests, assess the range of potential solutions to the crisis, and determine the role of Congress on this issue.

A report summarizing the program’s dialogue is now available for download. In addition to providing non-attributed comments from the proceedings, the document also includes the itinerary for the three days, the names of participants, as well as a collection of relevant publications.

The Aspen Institute Congressional Program was established in 1983 by former U.S. Senator Dick Clark. The program is for members of the United States Congress, and is both nongovernmental and nonpartisan in design. The program gives senators and representatives the opportunity to delve into complex and critical public policy issues with internationally recognized experts. Lawmakers are given the opportunity to explore policy alternatives in off-the-record settings, while simultaneously building relationships crucial to finding solutions.

 

 

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"Xi Jinping now owns the idea [of the One Belt One Road Initiative]....It has now been written into China’s constitution; its identified with him… If it works, he gets credit; if it doesn't get work out, he’s on the end of the branch, all by himself." - Tom Fingar

On March 13, 2018, APARC Distinguished Fellow Tom Fingar sat down with moderator Markos Kounalakis of the Hoover Instritution for a World Affairs Council sponsored talk.

Fingar spoke before an audience on China's One Belt One Road Initiative, the bariers to its sucess, what it could mean for China, as well as what it could mean for the countries included in China's vision.

The conversation is now avalable online.

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“…factually Japan has made many apologies; but many Koreans and Chinese at the same time feel that those apologies have not been sincere. So there’s a gap between facts and interpretations or public sentiments.”

Twenty years after the Kim-Obuchi summit raised hopes for “a new Japan-Korea partnership for the 21st century”, the Carnegie Endowment for Internatonal Peace gathered diplomats and scholars, including APARC Director Gi-Wook ShIn, for reflection on what polices and initiatives have succeeded or failed since 1998 and why.

A recording of the panel is available online

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Kim-Obchi Summit: 20 Years Later
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In a flurry of developments that left experts stunned, the long-stalled Korean peace train has suddenly left the station. Sitting in the locomotive is the engineer of these events, North Korea’s young leader, Kim Jong Un.

Where is the peace train headed? No one really knows. It can easily be derailed. And it could lead not to peace, but to war, writes Sneider.

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The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a project of breathtaking scale that aims to reshape economic geography and enhance China’s centrality in the world.  Estimates for the costs of infrastructure to create a sea and land network linking more than 60 countries from Asia to Europe run upwards of US $6 trillion.  To date, China has committed several hundred billion yuan and created financial institutions to carry out the Belt and Road vision, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Silk Road Fund, alongside the China Development Bank, Export-Import Bank, and state-owned commercial banks. 

Does China have the financial wherewithal to implement this grand scheme?

This talk examines China’s recent development and places the BRI in the long arc of fiscal expansion since the turn of the century.  Under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, the government spent lavishly on boosting public services, especially in the rural areas, using buoyant revenues that grew from ¥1.34 trillion to ¥8.3 trillion during the decade of 2000-2010.  The BRI is a signature program in Xi Jinping’s assertive foreign policy, likewise conceived in an era of high growth and high foreign reserve accumulation.  What happens when China’s growth slows?  Will China’s fiscal institutions be robust enough to manage the transition and avoid overextending its finances under the BRI?


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Christine Wong is Professor of Chinese Studies in the Asia Institute and Director of the Centre for Contemporary Chinese Studies at the University of Melbourne. Prior to joining the University of Melbourne, she was Professor of Public Finance and Director of Chinese Studies at the University of Oxford, where she was a Fellow at Lady Margaret Hall. She has also held the Henry M. Jackson Professorship in International Studies at the University of Washington, and taught economics at the University of California, Santa Cruz; University of California, Berkeley; and Mount Holyoke College. Christine has more than twenty years of experience in working with the Ministry of Finance and State Tax Administration in China. She has held senior staff positions in the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, and worked extensively with other international development agencies including the IMF, OECD, UNDP, UNICEF, and the UK Department for International Development. She is a member of the OECD Advisory Panel on Budgeting and Public Expenditures.

Christine Wong <i>Professor of Chinese Studies and Director of the Centre for Contemporary Chinese Studies, University of Melbourne</i>
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The rise of Nokia as a global ICT leader in the 1990s and early 2000s was dramatic, as a company from the small Nordic country of Finland became a global titan. The lack of Japanese presence in global ICT industries in the 1990s and 2000s was unexpected, as it was a technological and platform leader in its domestic market but without followers in global markets. The advent of the iPhone and Android from Silicon Valley companies in the late 2000s thoroughly disrupted both Nokia and the Japanese companies. What happened? Why did it happen, and what were the lessons learned? Now, with the dominance and concentration of Silicon Valley companies and the rise of China in new areas such as AI and digital services, how do we understand the dynamics of competition unfolding? What general conclusions can we draw about the possibilities and risks of national strategies from  the past experiences?

This panel brings expertise from China, Europe, Japan, and Silicon Valley to discuss these questions. 

This event is brought to you by Shorenstein APARC Japan Program's Stanford Silicon Valley-New Japan Project in collaboration with the Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy (BRIE)

AGENDA

Moderator and panelistJohn Zysman, Co-founder, Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy. Author of “The Third Globalization: Can Wealth Countries Stay Rich.”

3:00pm-3:05pm         Introduction & Opening Remarks

3:05pm-3:35pm         The rise and fall of Nokia as a global mobile leader, a management perspective

Presenter: Yves Doz, Solvay Chaired Professor of Technological Innovation, INSEAD. Author of “Ringtone: Exploring the Rise and Fall of Nokia in Mobile Phones” (2018)

3:35pm-4:05pm         How Silicon Valley commoditized the global ICT industry. Japan: leading without followers, then disrupted, a political economy perspective

Presenter: Kenji Kushida, Research Scholar, Stanford University. Author of “The politics of commoditization in global ICT industries: a political economy explanation of the rise of Apple, Google, and industry disruptors” (2015)

4:05pm-4:35pm        AI and Global Dynamic Capabilities: The Implications for China and the United States. 

· The Chinese Case:  Can China avoid the Finnish and Japanese fate?   Will the scale of the Chinese market permit it to develop global standards?   Will the geo-political rivalry change the dynamic of the market rivalries.

· The American case: Will the American platform strengths hold in in the face of Chinese challenges? Will Europe?

PresentersAmy Shuen, Visiting Professor, Hong Kong University (formerly at UC Berkeley, Wharton, CEIBS). Co-author, Dynamic Capabilities and Strategic Management (SMJ, Best Paper Award, 2003) Author, “Web 2.0:  A Strategy Guide” (OReilly, 2008) HKU Talk (2017) https://www.ecom-icom.hku.hk/Contents/Item/Display/1962

John Zysman, Co-founder, Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy. Author of “The Third Globalization:Can Wealth Countries Stay Rich.”

4:35pm-5:00pm         Open Discussion, Q&A

 

RSVP REQUIRED: http://www.stanford-svnj.org/44-panel-discussion

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Recent power shifts have thrown into sharp relief the U.S.-India-China triangular relationship. In the Xi Jinping era, as a bolder China seeks to grow its supremacy in Asia, Beijing’s goals set China in direct opposition to both India and the United States. India, with its own claim to global power, now confronts a reality that sees China’s reaching out for unprecedented influence in the Indian subcontinent and the Indian Ocean, and that casts doubts on the United States’ regional role and presence. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, how is New Delhi navigating this new strategic terrain? What are some of the alternative futures for the U.S.–India-China triangular power-balance game?

On this panel, celebrating the 2017 Shorenstein Journalism Award, the award recipient, Siddharth Varadarajan, founding editor of The Wire, will discuss these and other questions, drawing on his career in journalism.

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Siddharth Varadarajan is a founding editor of The Wire. He started the online news website in 2015 with cofounders Sidharth Bhatia and M.K. Venu. Previously Varadarajan was the editor of The Hindu. He has taught Economics at New York University and Journalism at the University of California, Berkeley, besides working at the Times of India and the Centre for Public Affairs and Critical Theory, Shiv Nadar University. He is the editor of a book on the 2002 anti-Muslim violence and co-author of Nonalignment 2.0: A Foreign and Strategic Policy for India in the 21st Century (Penguin, 2014). Find him on Twitter at @svaradarajan.

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Nayan Chanda is the founder, former editor-in-chief, and current consulting editor of YaleGlobal Online magazine, published by the Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies at Yale. Previously he was as editor-at-large and correspondent with the Hong Kong-based magazine The Far Eastern Economic Review, editor of the Asian Wall Street Journal Weekly, and a Senior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He is the author of Bound Together: How Traders, Preachers, Adventurers and Warriors Shaped Globalization (Yale University Press, 2007), Brother Enemy: The War After the War, and coauthor of over a dozen books on Asian politics, security, and foreign policy. Chanda is the recipient of the 2005 Shorenstein Journalism Award.

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Thomas Fingar is the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center Fellow in the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University and a China specialist. He was the inaugural Oksenberg-Rohlen Distinguished Fellow from 2010 through 2015 and the Payne Distinguished Lecturer at Stanford in 2009. Previously, he served as the first deputy director of national intelligence for analysis and, concurrently, as chairman of the National Intelligence Council. Prior to that, he held multiple positions with the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research, including assistant secretary, principal deputy assistant secretary, deputy assistant secretary for analysis, director of the Office of Analysis for East Asia and the Pacific, and chief of the China Division. His most recent books are Uneasy Partnerships: China and Japan, the Koreas, and Russia in the Era of Reform (Stanford, 2017), The New Great Game: China and South and Central Asia in the Era of Reform (Stanford, 2016), and Reducing Uncertainty: Intelligence Analysis and National Security (Stanford University Press, 2011).

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Shalendra Sharma is a professor in the Department of Politics at the University of San Francisco. He also teaches in the MA program in the Department of Economics and the Center for the Pacific Rim. Sharma is the author of numerous articles in leading peer-reviewed journals and of several books, including China and India in the Age of Globalization (Cambridge University Press, 2009), winner of 2010 Alpha Sigma Nu Book award, and Democracy and Development in India (Lynne Rienner, 1999), winner of the Choice Outstanding Academic Title for 1999. His latest book, A Political Economy of the United States, China, and India: Prosperity with Inequality, is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press.

Panel discussion chaired by:

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, a visiting scholar with Stanford’s Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center. His research is focused on current U.S. foreign and national security policy in Asia and on the foreign policy of Japan and Korea. Sneider was named a National Asia Research Fellow by the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and the National Bureau of Asian Research in 2010. His publications include History Textbooks and the Wars in Asia: Divided Memories (Routledge, 2011), Does South Asia Exist?: Prospects for Regional Integration (APARC, 2010), and First Drafts of Korea: The U.S. Media and Perceptions of the Last Cold War Frontier (APARC, 2009). His writings have appeared in many publications, including the Washington Post, the New York Times, Slate, Foreign Policy, the New Republic, National Review, the Far Eastern Economic Review, the Oriental Economist, Newsweek, Time, the International Herald Tribune, the Financial Times, and Yale Global. Prior to coming to Stanford, Sneider was a long-time foreign correspondent.

About the Award:

The Shorenstein Journalism Award, which carries a cash prize of $10,000, honors a journalist not only for a distinguished body of work, but also for the particular way that work has helped American readers to understand the complexities of Asia. The award, established in 2002, was named after Walter H. Shorenstein, the philanthropist, activist, and businessman who endowed two institutions that are focused respectively on Asia and on the press: the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) in the Freeman Spogli Institute at Stanford University, and the Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics, and Public Policy in the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. In 2011, Shorenstein APARC re-envisioned the award in recognition of the fact that Asia has served as a crucible for the role of the press in democratization in places such as South Korea, Taiwan, India, Pakistan, and Indonesia.

 

Paul Brest Hall East

555 Salvatierra Walk, Stanford, CA 94305

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This paper examines how the spatial distribution of economic activity evolved within North Korea during a period of economic sanctions. Countries have used economic sanctions to isolate North Korea from the benefits of international trade and finance. China, however, has not imposed the sanctions, and consequentially has offset the trade restrictions imposed by other countries. I hypothesize three channels by which North Korea could have responded in this context: regional favoritism by the ruling elites, reallocation of commerce that reflects the trade diversion to China, and import substitution. Using nighttime lights from North Korea, I find that the capital city, trade hubs near China, and manufacturing cities become relatively brighter when sanctions increase. However, production shifts away from capital-intensive goods, potentially deterring industrial development. The results imply that despite the intention to target the ruling elites, sanctions may increase regional inequality at a cost to the already marginalized hinterlands.

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Yong Suk Lee
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