Democracy
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Indonesia has undergone democratization since 1998. Islamic political parties have re-emerged, but they have failed to gain significant support. National politics in Indonesia today are mainly secular. Yet religious values are held in high regard, and religious sentiments are expressed in books, films, fashions, and television programs, among other media. Why has this enthusiasm for religion not yielded a dominant role for Islamism as a political force? The popularity of Islamic political parties has actually declined. Why? What factors have enabled non-religious parties to maintain political prominence while, at the same time, society has become more pious?

Anies Baswedan, currently president of Paramadina University in Jakarta, is a leading intellectual figure in Indonesia. In 2008, the editors of Foreign Policy named him one of the world’s top 100 public intellectuals. As an advisor to the Indonesian government, he is a leading proponent of democracy and transparency in Indonesia, a creative thinker about Islam and democracy, as well as a charismatic leader in the educational field. Anies Baswedan will be on campus in May 2011 through the International Visitors Program sponsored by the Stanford Humanities Center and the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. He was nominated by the Abbasi Program in Islamic Studies.

Co-sponsored by the Abbasi Program in Islamic Studies, the Southeast Asia Forum, and the Stanford Humanities Center

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Anies Baswedan President Speaker Paramadina University in Jakarta, Indonesia
Seminars
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The concept of "soft power" is central for the multi-dimensional rise of China as well as the evolving global strategy of the United States. Beijing is increasingly concerned with projecting soft power to neutralize perceptions of China as a threat while Chinese global influence grows. Washington, meanwhile, looks to employ soft power in remaking its post-Iraq international image, countering terrorist ideological extremism, and attracting the cooperation of international partners to deal with global challenges.

This seminar will address several key questions about soft power:

- What are the different implications when governments use "hard power" in "soft" ways versus when they try to use "soft power" in "hard" ways?

- How is soft power understood and operationalized differently in China than in the United States?

- What are the different visions for projecting soft power among various political actors in China?

- Can soft power be threatening? How can we disentangle capabilities and policies that may be threatening from those that are attractive to other states and encourage cooperation?

About the speakers

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Qinghong Wang
Qinghong Wang is currently coordinating the Education Exchange Program for the East-West Center in Honolulu. He received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Hawaii at Manoa in 2010. His dissertation is entitled, Reinventing Democracy through Confucianism: Representation, Application and Reorientation of Western Transnational Nonprofit Organizations (WTNPOs) in Post-Mao China. Dr. Wang earned his MA in Asian studies from the University of Hawaii in 2003 and his BA in Chinese language and literature from Peking (Beijing) University in 1999. Dr. Wang is originally from Beijing. He was the Lloyd (Joe) R. and Lilian Vasey Fellow with the Pacific Forum at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) from 2006 to 2007, and has since remained an adjunct fellow with the Forum. His research focuses on the development of civil society in China, U.S.-China relations, traditional and nontraditional security issues in the Asia Pacific, and comparative politics and philosophies of East and West.

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Leif Eric Easley
Leif-Eric Easley is the 2010-11 Northeast Asian History Fellow at Shorenstein APARC. Dr. Easley completed his Ph.D. at the Harvard University Department of Government in 2010, specializing in East Asian international relations. His dissertation presents a theory of national identity perceptions, bilateral trust between governments, and patterns of security cooperation, based on extensive fieldwork in Seoul, Tokyo, and Beijing. At Stanford, he is teaching a course on nationalism, contested history, and the international relations of Japan, China, South Korea, and the United States. Dr. Easley is actively involved in high-level U.S.-Asia exchanges (Track II diplomacy) as a Sasakawa and Kelly Fellow with the Pacific Forum CSIS. His research appears in a variety of academic journals, supplemented by commentaries in major newspapers.

With regional perspective commentary by:

Donald Emmerson, Director, Southeast Asia Forum, Shorenstein APARC

Daniel Sneider, Associate Director for Research, Shorenstein APARC

David Straub, Associate Director, Korean Studies Program, Shorenstein APARC

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This book explores the evolution of social movements in South Korea by focusing on how they have become institutionalized and diffused in the democratic period. The contributors explore the transformation of Korean social movements from the democracy campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s to the rise of civil society struggles after 1987. South Korea was ruled by successive authoritarian regimes from 1948 to 1987 when the government decided to re-establish direct presidential elections. The book contends that the transition to a democratic government was motivated, in part, by the pressure from social movement groups that fought the state to bring about such democracy. After the transition, however, the movement groups found themselves in a qualitatively different political context which in turn galvanized the evolution of the social movement sector.

Including an impressive array of case studies ranging from the women's movement, to environmental NGOs, and from cultural production to law, the contributors to this book enrich our understanding of the democratization process in Korea, and show that the social movement sector remains an important player in Korean politics today.

This book will appeal to students and scholars of Korean studies, Asian politics, political history and social movements.


Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION 

1: Democratization and the Evolution of Social Movements in Korea: Institutionalization and Diffusion, Paul Y. Chang and Gi-Wook Shin

PART I: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION

2: The Korean Democracy Movement: An Empirical Overview, Gi-Wook Shin, Paul Y. Chang, Jung-eun Lee and Sookyung Kim

3: From Minjung to the Simin: The Discursive Shift in Korean Social Movements, Namhee Lee

4: Exorcizing the Ghosts of Kwangju: Policing Protest in the Post-Authoritarian Era, Jong Bum Kwon

PART II: INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS


5: Origins of the National Human Rights Commission of Korea: Global and Domestic Causes, Jeong-Woo Koo

6: From the Streets to the Courts: PSPD’s Legal Strategy and the Institutionalization of Social Movements, Joon Seok Hong

7: The Entry of Past Activists into the National Assembly and South Korea’s Participation in the Iraq War, Sookyung Kim and Paul Y. Chang

8: The Consequences of Government Funding for Environmental NGOs in South Korea, Chang Bum Ju

9: The Institutionalization of the Women’s Movement and Gender Legislation, Chan S. Suh, Eun Sil Oh and Yoon S. Choi

PART III: SPIN-OFF MOVEMENTS AND DIFFUSION PROCESSES


10: Citizen Journalism: The Transformation of the Democratic Media Movement, Thomas Kern and Sang-hui Nam

11: New Activist Cultural Production: Independent Filmmakers, the Post-Authoritarian State, and New Capital Flows in South Korea, Young-a Park

12: The Korean Gay and Lesbian Movement 1993-2008: From "Identity" and "Community" to "Human Rights", Hyun-young Kwon Kim and John (Song Pae) Cho

13: Lawyers for a Democratic Society (Minbyun): The Evolution of Its Legal Mobilization Process Since 1988, Patricia Goedde

14: Left Out: People’s Solidarity for Social Progress and the Evolution of Minjung After Authoritarianism, Alice S. Kim

APPENDIX
: The Stanford Korea Democracy Project

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Gi-Wook Shin
Paul Y. Chang
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"As with the collapse of the Berlin Wall more than two decades ago, the reverberations of the 'Arab Awakening' are being felt well beyond the Middle East," said Asia Foundation president David D. Arnold during his May 4 talk at Stanford about the recent uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East. He suggested that for countries in Asia and other parts of the world, the uprisings are a reminder that a strong economy is not a replacement for good governance and that democracy can take place anywhere in the world. In Asia, the Asia Foundation blog, provides an overview of Arnold's talk supplemented by essays, including "Worlds at Stake in Arab Reform" by Southeast Asia Forum director Donald K. Emmerson and "The 'Libya Model' and What’s Next in North Korea" and "Springtimes of Political Reform: Looking to East Asia for Clues to Democratic Consolidation" by former Pantech Fellow Scott Snyder. The full audio of Arnold's Stanford talk is now available online.
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Protestors outside of the Libyan Embassy in London, February 22, 2011. | Crethi Plethi
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The key involvement of social movement groups in establishing South Korea's democratic government in 1987 laid the groundwork for the country's diverse and politically active social movement sector today, suggests the new publication South Korean Social Movements: From Democracy to Civil Society. Edited by Gi-Wook Shin and Paul Chang, this insightful volume covers South Korea's democratization process and highlights numerous segments of the social movement sector ranging from human and gender rights groups to environmental protection organizations. South Korean Social Movements is the first in a series of six books produced by the Stanford Korea Democracy Project with generous funding from the Academy of Korean Studies.
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An environmental protection demonstration in South Korea. | Owenski
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In February 2011, Thai and Cambodian troops again clashed on their common border over the status of the ancient Temple of Preah Vihear. Both sides suffered casualties, including deaths.  Since it began in 2008, the dispute has envenomed Thai-Cambodian relations. In Thailand a key factor behind the conflict has been the nationalist claim by the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) that the temple belongs to Thailand. PAD’s campaign over the issue must be seen in the context of its successful mobilization of mass opposition to the government in power at that time. Prof. Puangthong R. Pawakapan will explain how the dispute arose, how it was aggravated by political rivalry inside Thailand, and what its future outcome and implications could be.

Puangthong R. Pawakapan is an assistant professor in the Department of International Relations at Chulalongkorn University in Thailand. Topics of her publications include Thai foreign policy and the Cambodia genocide. Her 1995 University of Wollongong PhD dissertation covered Thai-Cambodian relations in the 19th century. She has been a visiting scholar at Yale University, and has worked as a journalist and been active in non-governmental organizations in Thailand.

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Puangthong Pawakapan is the Shorenstein APARC / Asia Foundation research fellow for 2010-2011. She has a PhD in History from the University of Wollongong in Australia and a BA in Political Science from Thammasat University, Thailand. She is an Assistant Professor in International Relations Department, Chulalongkorn University. Prior to joining Shrorenstein APARC, Pawakapan was a deputy director of the Master Program in International Development Studies at the same university for four years. Between 1999-1999, she was a research affiliate at the Cambodian Genocide Program, Yale University, where she researched on “Thailand’s response to the Cambodian Genocide” in  Genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda: New Perspectives (2004 and 2006).

Pawakapan’s academic expertise is in the field of Southeast Asian Studies with special interest on the political relationship between Thailand and Cambodia. Political violence is also part of her interest.  Most of her previous research focus on the modern and contemporary history of Thai-Cambodian relations. During her fellowship at the Shrorenstein APARC, her research will focus on the current conflict between Thailand and Cambodia, stemming from the Preah Vihear Temple issue.

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Puangthong Pawakapan 2010-11 APARC-Asia Foundation Research Fellow Speaker Stanford University
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Although Muslim-majority Indonesia became a democracy more than a decade ago, no Islamist party has done well enough in a national election to lead the government there. In Indonesia, ostensibly religious politicians behave much as their secular counterparts do. Considering the unrest that has swept parts of the Arab world, are there lessons to be learned from Indonesia? Donald K. Emmerson, director of the Southeast Asia Forum, addressed this question in a talk at the World Affairs Council of Sonoma County on April 7.
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Grand Mosque set against the skyline of Jakarta, Indonesia's capital city. | Eric Beerkens
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