Governance

FSI's research on the origins, character and consequences of government institutions spans continents and academic disciplines. The institute’s senior fellows and their colleagues across Stanford examine the principles of public administration and implementation. Their work focuses on how maternal health care is delivered in rural China, how public action can create wealth and eliminate poverty, and why U.S. immigration reform keeps stalling. 

FSI’s work includes comparative studies of how institutions help resolve policy and societal issues. Scholars aim to clearly define and make sense of the rule of law, examining how it is invoked and applied around the world. 

FSI researchers also investigate government services – trying to understand and measure how they work, whom they serve and how good they are. They assess energy services aimed at helping the poorest people around the world and explore public opinion on torture policies. The Children in Crisis project addresses how child health interventions interact with political reform. Specific research on governance, organizations and security capitalizes on FSI's longstanding interests and looks at how governance and organizational issues affect a nation’s ability to address security and international cooperation.

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Karen Eggleston
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Global health disparities were the topic of a special event November 11th co-sponsored by the Asia Health Policy Program of the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center and the Center for Health Policy / Primary Care and Outcomes Research.

Sir Michael Marmot, internationally renowned Principal Investigator of the Whitehall Studies of British civil servants (investigating explanations for the striking inverse social gradient in morbidity and mortality), spoke about research on the social determinants of health and taking action to promote policy change. Pointing out the extreme disparities in life expectancy for peoples in different parts of the world – including the “haves” and “have-nots” within the high-income world – he presented an overview of “Closing the gap in a generation: Health equity through action on the social determinants of health” (http://www.who.int/social_determinants/en/). That report was commissioned by the World Health Organization (WHO) and released last year; Sir Marmot served as the Chair of the Commission on Social Determinants of Health.

Criticizing those who justify initiatives in global health solely on economic grounds, Sir Marmot argued that addressing the social determinants of health is a matter of social justice.

He presented data and discussed the report’s three primary recommendations: 1. Improve daily living conditions; 2. Tackle the inequitable distribution of power, money, and resources; and 3. Measure and understand the problem and assess the impact of action.
Stating that the World Health Assembly resolution on the social determinants of health was only meaningful as a first “baby step,” Marmot urged the audience to consider how research and policy advocacy can address the social determinants of health so that all individuals can lead flourishing lives.

Examples from Asia include

  • the high risk of maternal mortality (1 in 8) in Afghanistan;
  • the steep gradient in under-5 mortality in India (with the rate almost three times higher for the poorest quintile than for the wealthiest quintile);
  • less than half of women in Bangladesh have a say in decision-making about their own health care;
  • a large share of the world’s population living on less than US$2 a day reside in Asia;
  • social protection systems like pensions are possible in lower and middle-income countries, with Thailand as an example;
  • more can be done to address the millions impoverished by catastrophic health expenditures, such as in southeast Asia; and
  • conflict-ridden areas and internally displaced people, such as in Pakistan and Myanmar, are among the most vulnerable.

He also responded to questions about the role of freedom and liberty in social development – contrasting India and China – and commented on the peculiar contours of the US health reform debate.

Professor Marmot closed by noting that, in exhorting everyone to strive for social justice and close the gaps in health inequalities all too apparent in our 21st century world, he hoped he was not too much like Don Quixote, going around “doing good deeds but with people all laughing at him.” 
Professor Sir Michael Marmot MBBS, MPH, PhD, FRCP, FFPHM, FMedSci, is Director of the International Institute for Society and Health and MRC Research Professor of Epidemiology and Public Health at University College, London. In 2000 he was knighted by Her Majesty The Queen for services to Epidemiology and understanding health inequalities.

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China 2.0 at Stanford University, May 24-25, 2010

This two-day forum looks at the rise of China as a digital superpower.

May 2010 marks 15 years of China's first connection to the public Internet and 15 years of digital mobile communications. Home to 400 million online and 750 million mobile consumers, China is giving birth to innovative start-ups and established multi-billion dollar enterprises in social networking, games, video, music and e-commerce.

Companies thriving in China will increasingly shape the global digital economy, either by their sheer scale at home or through investments and mergers and acquisitions in the United States and other developed economies.

Join this invitation-only forum to meet with industry leaders from China and overseas to assess the likely future shape and implications of China's rise for consumers, industry players, investors, researchers and policy makers.

Conference Video Overviews 

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China 2.0 Introduction

Video: Tencent, Taobao and Baidu 

Enabling China's Mobile Market 

Chinese Digital Music Scene 

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TV & Online Video 

e-Commerce 

Online Games 

 
  MONDAY, MAY 24, 2010
8:30 - 9:00 Registration and Light Breakfast
9:00 - 9:15 Session 1--Welcome Remarks and Introductory Presentation
  Marguerite Gong Hancock, Forum Co-Chair/Associate Director, SPRIE, Stanford University
  Duncan Clark, Forum Co-Chair/Chairman, BDA China; Visiting Scholar, SPRIE, Stanford University
9:15 - 10:00 Session 2--Case Studies of China 2.0 Leaders: Tencent, Taobao & Baidu
  Duncan Clark & Liu Ning, BDA China Presentation
  Moderator: Gady Epstein, Beijing Bureau Chief, Forbes
10:00 - 10:45 Special Session--Reporting China 2.0
  Loretta Chao, Reporter, Beijing Bureau, The Wall Street Journal
  Gady Epstein, Beijing Bureau Chief, Forbes
  Moderator: Daniel Sneider, Associate Director for Research, Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, Stanford University
11:00 - 12:15 Session 3--Enabling China 2.0: Infrastructure, Devices and Access
  Håkan Eriksson, CTO, Ericsson presentation
  Stanley Chia, Senior Technology Consultant, Vodafone Group R&D
  Moderator: Duncan Clark, Forum Co-Chair/Chairman, BDA China; Visiting Scholar, SPRIE, Stanford University
12.15 - 1.15 Lunch
1.15 - 2.15 Session 4--Digital Music in China
  Gary Chen, CEO, Top100.cn presentation
  Eric Priest, Assistant Professor, University of Oregon presentation
  Moderator: Loretta Chao, Reporter, Beijing Bureau, The Wall Street Journal
2.15 - 3.45 Session 5--China's Future TV Landscape
  Graham Kill, CEO, Irdeto presentation
  Caroline Pan, Director-China Strategy Office, Intel presentation
  David Strehlow, Director of Marketing, Media Solutions, Huawei
  Moderator: Andrew Lih, Associate Professor, USC Annenberg School of Communication and Journalism
3.45 - 4.00 Break
4.00 - 5.30 Session 6--e-Commerce in China
  James Jianzhang Liang, Co-Founder and Chairman, Ctrip
  Alan Tien, General Manager, PayPal Beibao China
  Fritz Demopoulos, CEO, Qunar.com
  Moderator: Mei Fong, Wall Street Journal Correspondent & Visiting Professor, USC Annenberg School of Communication & Journalism
5.30 - 6.30 Networking Reception
  TUESDAY, MAY 25, 2010
8:30 - 9:00 Registration and Light Breakfast
9.00 - 10.30 Session 7--Online & Mobile Games
  Jason Wang, Partner, Cypress River Advisors, LLC
  Ben Sternberg, Executive Director, Raine Group
  Lisa Cosmas Hanson, Managing Partner & Founder, Niko Partners
  Liu Ning, Principal Analyst - New Media, BDA China
  Moderator: Loretta Chao, Reporter, Beijing Bureau, The Wall Street Journal
10.45 - 12.15 Session 8--Financing China 2.0: VC & IPO Outlook
  York Chen, Founding Managing Partner, iDTechVentures presentation
  Olivier Glauser, Managing Director, Steamboat Ventures presentation
  Richard Hsu, Managing Director, Intel Capital China presentation
  David Lam, Managing Director, WI Harper Group presentation
  Moderator: Martin Haemmig, Senior Advisor on Venture Capital, Stanford Program on Regions of Innovation and Entrepreneurship
12.15 - 1.15 Lunch
1.15-2:45 Session 9--How Can Global Firms Thrive In & With China
  Alan Tien, General Manager, PayPal Bei Bao China
  Graham Kill, CEO, Irdeto
  Carter Agar, Former VP, GM, Walt Disney Internet Group (China), VP, Altius Education
  Jason Wang, Partner, Cypress River Advisors, LLC
  Moderator: Gady Epstein, Beijing Bureau Chief, Forbes
3:00 - 4:30 Session 10--China 2.0 Firms: The Talent Dimension
  Mark Baldwin, CEO, Oxus and Founder, Zhaopin.com
  Kelly Sang, former General Manager, Alibaba.com Americas
  David Strehlow, Director of Marketing, Media Solutions, Huawei
  Moderator: Kyung H. Yoon, CEO, Talent Age Associates LLC
4:30 - 4:45 Wrap-up

Audience 

Media & tech executives, entrepreneurs, academics and researchers, venture capitalists/private equity investors, policymakers.

Format 

  • Presentations by the on-the-ground pioneers of China 2.0 
  • Roundtable discussions on key issues and emerging trends
  • Premiere of "vox pop" video interviews of Chinese Internet users filmed in Beijing, Chengdu, Nanjing, Wuhan, Xiamen and Xi'an
  • Conference highlights to be available online (subject to speaker approval)
  • Interactive event, including a mobile application custom-made for participants

Participation and Pricing

Participation is by invitation-only. For more information, please contact SPRIE by email at sprie-stanford@stanford.edu.

The USD $50 fee covers conference sessions and materials, continental breakfast, lunch, and refreshments. A limited number of free spaces are available for current Stanford faculty, students and staff.

Agenda (subject to change)

Map and parking:

The conference is being held in the Bechtel Conference Center, located at 616 Serra Street on the first floor of Encina Hall. Free event parking is available at the Galvez Field Event Parking Lot, located at Galvez and Campus Drive East. It is less than .5 mile from the parking lot to the event. If you park at a meter, be aware that parking is $1.50/hour and is monitored from 8:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m.

China 2.0 Sponsors

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Bechtel Conference Center

Workshops
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In 2005 the Indonesian government announced a program of unconditional cash transfers to its poor and near-poor citizens to help them overcome the adverse effects of fuel price hikes caused by a massive reduction in subsidies.  The program—the largest of its kind in the world, covering some 19 million households—was reintroduced in 2008 following another round of fuel subsidy cuts.

How successful was this effort to help poor Indonesians weather these economic shocks?  Did the transfers alleviate suffering to the desired extent?  Did their unconditional character ensure quick action and wide coverage?  Or did it foster dependence on public welfare and depress incentives to work?  Were deserving recipients chosen?  Or did corruption and conflict distort the process?  Are there lessons in Indonesia’s experience applicable to other developing countries?  Dr. Sudarno will mobilize quantitative and qualitative evidence to address these questions.

Sudarno Sumarto co-founded The SMERU Research Institute and served as its director for nearly ten years.  Under his leadership, SMERU played a vanguard role in helping to reduce poverty in Indonesia through careful empirical research on behalf of improved public policy.  His more than fifty publications include studies of economic growth, poverty and unemployment reduction, and the performance of primary-school pupils, among other topics, in the Journal of Development Economics (2009), Beyond Food Production (2007), and SMERU’s own working paper series, among other venues.  He has also been active as an advisor to the Indonesian government on poverty issues and as a lecturer at the Bogor Institute of Agriculture.

Daniel and Nancy Okimoto Conference Room

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Shorenstein APARC/Asia Foundation Visiting Fellow
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Sudarno Sumarto is the Shorenstein APARC / Asia Foundation fellow for 2009-10.  He has a PhD and an MA from Vanderbilt University and a BS from Satya Wacana Christian University (Salatiga), all in economics.  Prior to joining Shorenstein APARC he was the director of SMERU for nearly 10 years. SMERU is an independent institution for research and public policy studies which professionally and proactively provides accurate and timely information, as well as objective analysis on various socioeconomic and poverty issues considered most urgent and relevant for the people of Indonesia. The institute has been at the forefront of the research effort to highlight the impact of government programs and policies, and has actively published and reported its research findings. The work expanded to include other areas of applied and economic research that are of fundamental importance to contemporary development issues. He was also a lecturer at Bogor Institute of Agriculture (IPB), Bogor, Indonesia.

Sumarto has contributed to more than sixty co-authored articles, chapters, reports, and working papers, including "Agricultural Growth and Poverty Reduction in Indonesia," in Beyond Food Production (2007); "Reducing Unemployment in Indonesia," SMERU Working Paper, 2007; "Improving Student Performance in Public Primary Schools in Developing Countries:  Evidence from Indonesia," Education Economics, December 2006; and “The Effects of Location and Sectoral Components of Economic Growth on Poverty: Evidence from Indonesia.” Journal of Development Economics, 89(1), pp. 109-117, May 2009.  As well as conducting research and writing papers, Sumarto has worked closely with the Indonesian government, giving advice on poverty issues and government poverty alleviation programs.

Sumarto has spoken on poverty and development issues in Australia, Chile, Peru, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, France, Japan, Morocco, Thailand, and the United Kingdom, among other countries.

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Matthew Augustine
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We are pleased to bring you the second dispatch of the year in our series of Shorenstein APARC Dispatches. This month's piece, "Forced Labor Redress in Japan and the United States" comes from Matt Augustine, the Northeast Asian History Fellow for 2009-10 at Shorenstein APARC.

Last month, on October 23, the Nishimatsu Construction Company reached an agreement in the Tokyo Summary Court to set up a trust fund for Chinese who had been forced into labor in Japan during World War II. According to the Asahi Shimbun, the trust fund—worth ¥250 million—will compensate 360 Chinese citizens who were compelled to work at a hydroelectric power plant in Hiroshima Prefecture. Under the terms of the summary settlement, Nishimatsu acknowledged that these Chinese workers were forcibly brought to Japan and apologized for their suffering.This outcome was both overdue and unexpected, particularly since Japan's Supreme Court in 2007 rejected the original lawsuit that five Chinese plaintiffs brought against the construction company in 1998.  Nishimatsu officials maintain that they want to set a new precedent for "social responsibility" in the wake of the corporation's recent scandal involving political donations.  The timing of Nishimatsu's decision coincides with the rise of the new Hatoyama administration, which has promised to improve Japan's relations with China and other Asian neighbors.

Former forced laborers and their bereaved families have pursued litigation against the Japanese government and the corporations that employed them, not only in Japan but also in the United States. The Hayden Bill, which passed the California State Senate in July 1999, opened the door for Chinese and Korean victims to sue Japanese corporations and demand compensation for their hard labor in inhumane working conditions. Although the U.S. Supreme Court thus far has rejected such cases, the unresolved issue of Asian forced labor redress has now been introduced into the U.S. legal system, indicating that the United States has become involved in Japan’s historical disputes.

In fact, the United States was intimately involved in the issue of Asian forced laborers during the Allied Occupation of Japan between 1945 and 1952. U.S. Occupation forces initially attempted to retain Korean coal miners until Japanese repatriates replaced them, but riots in Hokkaido and elsewhere forced authorities to abandon this policy in November 1945. Responding to strong Korean demands, in May 1946 a military government team in Hokkaido gathered over ¥3 million worth of wages, bonuses, and death benefits owed to Korean miners. This amount was but a small fraction of the more than ¥215 million that corporations throughout Japan deposited into an account at the Bank of Japan by 1948. Occupation authorities made several unsuccessful attempts to persuade unwilling Japanese officials to pay back the financial assets owed to Koreans, while U.S. policy gradually changed to oppose reparations demands against Japan. Article 14(b) of the American-drafted San Francisco Peace Treaty signed in September 1951 waived all reparations claims, and the unpaid wage deposits of forced laborers remained a well-kept secret of the Japanese government.

When former forced laborers from South Korea and China began appearing in Japanese courts in the 1990s, their lawsuits helped to clarify the historical record of wartime abuse and postwar cover-up. Lawyers, journalists, and researchers supporting the redress movement dug up hidden official documents, such as the voluminous reports by the Foreign Ministry on Chinese forced labor and by the Welfare Ministry on the unpaid financial deposits of Korean laborers, both compiled in 1946. Although the Japanese government refuses to make such ministry reports public, the Tokyo High Court in 2005 confirmed that the state continues to hold the ¥215 million deposits, which have never been disbursed. While Japanese records remain largely closed, declassified American records can help to answer important questions, including how closely the United States was involved in the process of postwar Japan’s forgetting and neglecting Asian victims of forced labor.

An Asahi Shimbun editorial on October 24, 2009 admonished the Japanese state to take action in the wake of Nishimatsu settlement, since other corporations facing litigation have vowed not to pay reparations unless the government becomes involved. The new Hatoyama administration should first make an unambiguous apology, the editorial contends, then propose a new framework whereby the government and corporations can establish a joint trust fund to compensate former forced laborers and bereaved families. The United States can support this reconciliation process by revisiting the unresolved issue of forced labor—which also included Allied POWs—and reinterpreting the San Francisco Peace Treaty to enable these victims to file legal claims in American and international courts. Proactive U.S. involvement at the government level should also be matched by an enhanced effort toward nongovernmental cooperation between researchers in the United States and Northeast Asia. Shorenstein APARC has been contributing to this effort through its Divided Memories and Reconciliation research project, now in its third year. The Center will also host a colloquium series titled “The American Role in Northeast Asian Reconciliation” during the 2010 winter quarter.

 

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Shorenstein APARC Dispatches are regular bulletins designed exclusively for our friends and supporters. Written by center faculty and scholars, Shorenstein APARC Dispatches deliver timely, succinct analysis on current events and trends in Asia, often discussing their potential implications for business.

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The Asia Society has organized a Task Force on U.S. Policy toward Burma/Myanmar, co-chaired by retired U.S. Army General Wesley Clark and Holsman International Chair (and former USAID Administrator) Henrietta H. Fore.  The panel comprises a dozen or so individuals from various occupations and backgrounds, including SEAF's director, Donald K. Emmerson.  Assisting the Task Force is an also diverse Advisory Group of some thirty experts in Southeast Asian and other countries.  The Asia Society expects to release the Task Force's final report early in 2010.  

The timing of the study is of interest in view of the Obama administration’s willingness to meet with Myanmar’s rulers. 

America’s top diplomat on Asia is Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell.  Deputy Assistant Secretary Scot Marciel covers Southeast Asian and ASEAN affairs.  In early November 2009 the two men traveled to Myanmar.  There they met not only with the iconic opposition figure and Nobel Prize winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, but also with Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein.  The latter meeting was the highest-level contact between the two governments since 1995.  An even higher-level meeting was being planned for later in November at a US-ASEAN summit in Singapore, which would bring President Obama face to face with Myanmar’s head of state, Senior General Than Shwe.

Further enhancing the timeliness of the Task Force’s work is the announced prospect of national elections in Myanmar in 2010.  No independent observers expect the exercise to bring about anything resembling liberal democracy.  But some hold out hope that the balloting could yield a marginally more representative and accountable system. 

In early November 2009 it remained to be seen whether the current shifting of American policy toward dealing directly with the Burmese junta would prove effective in nudging its leaders toward political reform, or not. 

The Task Force’s report, scheduled for release early in 2010, should at least provide food for policymaking thought, as U.S. officials continue to review what has been and could be done with regard to a regime that has so far resisted both isolation and engagement.

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"Despite the long and established alliance, U.S.-South Korean relations and Korean history are not adequately taught in American secondary schools. The first curriculum unit, "U.S-South Korean Relations," seeks to fill the gap by exposing students to four core pillars of the alliance: democracy, economic prosperity, security, and socio-cultural interaction," says Gary Mukai, director of the Stanford Program on International and Cross-Cultural Education (SPICE).
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Past, present, and future Southeast Asianists linked to SEAF have ignored the hoary joke about the contest whose first prize is one week in Philadelphia and whose second prize is two weeks in that city.  Several of them are on the program of the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies (AAS) to be held, yes, in Philadelphia on 25-28 March 2010.

Inaugural Lee Kong Chian NUS-Stanford Distinguished Fellow (2007-08) Robert W. Hefner (Boston University) will preside over the proceedings in Philadelphia as the elected president of the AAS.  He will also lead a Presidential Rountable entitled “After Reformasi:  Trends in Southeast Asian Muslim Politics and Culture.” 

Current APARC Shorenstein Fellow (2009-2010) James Hoesterey (University of Wisconsin-Madison) has organized a panel with the intriguing title “Red, White, and Green?  Islam in Indonesian National Politics and Political Culture.”

Former LKC NUS-Stanford Distinguished Fellow (2008-09) Mark Thompson (University of Erlangen) has prepared a panel entitled “Comparing Across Southeast Asia:  Regional Patterns of Politics.”

Former Shorenstein Fellow (2003-04) Erik Kuhonta (McGill University) has put together a “border crossing” panel on “Class and Democracy in Asia.”

Future SEAF Visiting Scholar (Spring 2010) Marshall Clark (Deakin University) will head a panel on “Regionalism in Asia.”

As of this writing—27 October 2009—the full roster of all Annual Meeting panelists and roundtablers was not yet available.  So the list above does not include SEAF-associated scholars who will appear on panels or roundtables that they have not themselves organized.  (These scholars include, e.g., SEAF’s director, Don Emmerson, who will chair and discuss “Democracy and Identity in Southeast Asia.”) 

Nor, of course, do the above names include SEAF visitors and alumni who are on the programs of other upcoming professional meetings.  Two in this category who come to mind are Christian von Luebke and John Ciorciari.

Current German Science Foundation Visiting Scholar (2009-2011) and former Shorenstein Fellow (2008-09) Christian von Luebke is co-organizing a panel at the 6th Conference of the European Association for South East Asian Studies (EuroSEAS), to be held in Gothenburg, Sweden, 26-28 August 2010.  The panel’s provisional title is “The Challenge Within:  Indonesian Politics between Center and Periphery.”  Christian’s paper will focus on the politics of public-sector reform.

Former Shorenstein Fellow (2007-08) John Ciorciari (University of Michigan) will present a paper at the International Studies Association’s annual convention in New Orleans in February 2010.  Entitled “Theories of Institutions in Indian Foreign Policy,” the paper will apply to Indian evidence some of the ideas he developed in his revised dissertation on Southeast Asia.  (For more on John’s work, see “Where Did They Go and What Have They Been Up To?  John Ciorciari” elsewhere in the NEWS on this website.)

Contrary to the old joke, and in light of the talents and knowledge represented by the SEAF-linked scholars slated to speak at the AAS in Philadelphia, that city in late March is assuredly worthy of being at least a two-week first prize.  And if you’re in a travel-planning mode, consider New Orleans in February and Gothenburg in August as well.

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Edited by SEAF Director Don Emmerson and co-published in 2008-09 by APARC at Stanford and ISEAS in Singapore, Hard Choices: Security, Democracy, and Regionalism in Southeast Asia continues to attract attention. Excerpted below are two differing but equally thoughtful recent reviews:

Noel M. Morada is a professor of political science at the University of the Philippines-Diliman and director of the Philippines Progamme in the Asia Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) at the University Queensland in Brisbane, Australia.

Writing in Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, 23: 2 (2008), pp. 119-122, Prof. Morada found the title of Hard Choices “apt” because its authors “ask hard questions—including philosophical ones—on the merits and demerits of pushing for a more ‘people-centered’ ASEAN, the challenges and constraints in implementing Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principles in the region, as well as the possible directions that ASEAN may take in the near future.”

A “good thing” about the book, in his view, “is that the reader is left to make his or her own conclusions” about “the issues and arguments” that it presents. He notes the variety of backgrounds of the authors: from scholars based far from Southeast Asia, through local analysts on Track II, to an official from inside the ASEAN secretariat itself. Their chapters, in his judgment, contribute significantly to current debates about what balance that ASEAN should strike between “state-centered and society-centered conceptions of security,” including “the dilemmas and constraints” that state and societal actors face in pursuing a more “participatory” kind of regionalism in Southeast Asia.

Among the issues featured in Hard Choices, Morada cites “the thorny problem of intervention in the domestic affairs of [ASEAN] members,” including the challenge to regionalism posed by Myanmar’s rulers, and whether or not the ASEAN Charter can facilitate a response or may itself be an obstacle to reform. While highlighting the relative optimism of Mely Caballero-Anthony’s chapter on non-traditional security, he finds a consensus among the book’s authors that “ASEAN’s traditional norms—i.e., state sovereignty and non-interference—still rule.”

Prof. Morada ends his review thus: “This should be a required reading for graduate students specializing in Southeast Asia and a must have for ASEAN specialists and observers. More importantly, civil society groups would benefit immensely from reading this volume as part of their education about ASEAN, on which many remain uninformed. Many of my friends in the academic community in the region have in fact been quite disappointed with many civil society groups who simply want to push their agenda but have not done their homework on the workings of ASEAN. This book should help enlighten them further.”

Lee Jones is a lecturer in the Department of Politics at the College of Queen Mary, University of London.

Writing for a future issue of the ASEASUK Newsletter, a publication of the Association of Southeast Asian Studies in the United Kingdom, Dr. Jones, unlike Prof. Morada, misses a firmer editorial hand. “Theoretical engagement is relatively sparse,” writes Jones, “and the book would have benefited from an overarching framework to help structure and guide the contributions. Particularly given many contributors’ focus on Myanmar, ASEAN’s policies towards it, and ASEAN’s recent institutional evolution, an early chapter agreeing [to] a collective account of these matters would have left more space for analysis and argumentation.”

Jones singles out the chapter by “veteran official Termsak Chalermpalanupap” as “a highly informative overview of ASEAN’s institutional development which will be useful for all students of ASEAN.” Chapters by Simon Tay (on air pollution) and Michael Malley (on nuclear energy) are also praised by Jones as demonstrating that “democratisation does not (as other contributors imply) automatically produce either more liberal policies or enhanced regional cooperation.” On the contrary, writes Jones, “democratisation can give vent to illiberal, nationalist and uncooperative sentiments, particularly when dominated (as ASEAN polities are) by cynical oligarchs. It is disappointing, therefore, that none of the chapters engages in systematic analysis of the domestic social forces at work in ASEAN states.”

“On balance,” for Jones, “the evidence in Hard Choices seems to favour the pessimist viewpoint. The basis for concluding that civil society has shattered elites’ monopoly on policymaking is rather weak. None of the pro-intervention authors sufficiently counter[s] the pragmatist challenge that ASEAN coherence could not withstand the adoption of a more liberal-interventionist posture. However, this is a contingent judgment which should not lead us simply to endorse the status quo. … [T] he fate of individual countries and the overall direction and content of ASEAN regionalism depends ultimately on the struggles of ASEAN’s own citizens.

Concludes Jones: “A clear-sighted analysis of the respective strengths and weaknesses of the force of movement and reaction, without succumbing to the defeatism of endorsing authoritarianism or the romanticism of believing that democratic institutions alone imply the victory of civil society (or that ASEAN can do much to create such institutions), is therefore vital for understanding the region’s prospects.”

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