Institutions and Organizations
616 Serra StreetEncina Hall E301Stanford, CA94305-6055
0
dongmin_yao.jpg Ph.D.

Dongmin Yao joins the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) during the 2017-2018 academic year from Central University of Finance and Economics (Beijing, China) where he serves as an associate professor.

His research interests encompass Basic theories of public finance; State governance and government behavior; Game theory; Micro Econometrics and organizational economics. During his time at Shorenstein APARC, Yao will participate in a study of modes of governance in Chinese bureaucracy.

Yao has led several national research projects including Projects of the National Social Science Foundation of China and the Nation Science Foundation Project. Besides, Yao serves as an editor of many top academic journals in China and contributed articles regularly to these publications. Yao has also won a lot of significant awards, like Wu yuzhang Humanities Social Science Award (one of the highest awards in the field of humanism social science in China and Yao is the youngest recipient of it), The Second Prize of the 6th National Excellent Public Finance Research Achievement (by Chinese Public Finance Society) and The Third Prize of the 7th Excellent Achievement in Scientific Research (Social Science) of College (by China’s Ministry of Education).  

Yao holds a PhD in game theory from Renmin University of China. He received his MA in mathematical finance and BA in international economics and trade, both from Central University of Finance and Economics, Beijing, China.

Visiting Scholar
616 Serra StreetEncina Hall E301Stanford, CA94305-6055
0
rui_wu Ph.D.

Dr. Rui Wu currently serves as an assistant professor in Department of Innovation, Entrepreneurship, and Strategy in School of Economics and Management at Tsinghua University (Tsinghua SEM). She accomplished her PhD in business administration from University of Southern California, Marshall School of Business, MA in economics from University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), and BA in economics and international finance from Peking University, School of Economics. She teaches graduate level courses in strategic management, including strategic alliances, cooperative strategies, and research seminars. Prior to her doctoral training, she worked as a research analyst on Rwandan Projects in the Africa Division of World Bank in Washington, D.C..

Dr. Rui Wu’s research covers a broad range of firm-level strategic decisions, with a focus on Chinese firms and their inter-firm relationships. Her primary research areas include collaborative innovation, top-management teams, and political influences, all in the context of Chinese manufacturing firms. She has been a member and reviewer for annual conferences of Academy of Management (AOM), Strategic Management Society (SMS), and International Association for Chinese Management Research (IACMR). She also serves as an ad hoc reviewer for multiple top-tier journals.

Visiting Scholar
616 Serra StreetEncina Hall E301Stanford, CA94305-6055
0
hirofumi_uchida Ph.D.

Hirofumi Uchida joins the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) during the 2017-2018 academic year from the Kobe University’s Graduate School of Business Administration where he serves as a professor of Banking and Finance.

Uchida’s research interests focus on banking, financial institutions, and financial system architecture. During his stay at Shorenstein APARC, Uchida will conduct research on startup finance in the U.S. from the perspective of an international comparison with Japan. For this research, he receives Abe Fellowship (Social Science Research Council).

Uchida's research has been published in International Economic Review, Journal of Money, Credit and Banking, Journal of Financial Intermediation, Economica, and Journal of Banking and Finance, among others. He is also an associate editor of Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking, and a member of the Study Group for Earthquake and Enterprise Dynamics (SEEDs) and the Money & Finance Research Group (MoFiR). 

Uchida received his M.A. in Economics in 1995 and his Ph.D. in Economics in 1999, both from Osaka University. Prior to joining Kobe University in 2009, Uchida was with the Kyoto Institute for Economic Research at Kyoto University, and the Faculty of Economics at Wakayama University. He was also a visiting scholar at the Kelley School of Business, Indiana University as a 2003 Fulbright Scholar.

Visiting Scholar
616 Serra StreetEncina Hall E301Stanford, CA94305-6055
0
zhining_han.jpg

Zhining Han joins the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) during the 2017-18 academic year from Peking University as a visiting student researcher.

She is currently a Ph.D. student in Political Science.  Her research interests encompass the study of state-building and state governance modernization of China.

She has published 12 papers and 8 projects, includes "New Changes of Contemporary Western Ideology," "New Changes of Modern Western Ideological Discourse Power," "A Brief Analysis of the New Changes of Contemporary Western Ideology’s Background and Features," "Enlightenment of Aristotle's Thought of Rule of Law on Constructing China's Concept of State Governance," "The Realistic Challenge of the Political Legitimacy of the Communist Party of China," "Coordinated Development Research," etc.

She obtained her Bachelor of Law from the School of International Studies, Peking University, and her Master of Arts from the School of Journalism and Communication, Peking University.

Visiting Student Researcher
616 Serra StreetEncina Hall E301Stanford, CA94305-6055
0
hyun_seung_cho.jpg Ph.D.

Ashton Cho is a 2017-2018 Shorenstein Postdoctoral Fellow in Contemporary Asia. His research focuses on U.S. and Chinese foreign policy towards East Asia's regional institutions with a broader interest in U.S.-China relations, the political economy of East Asia, and qualitative and mixed research methods. During his time at Shorenstein APARC Ashton will be developing his book manuscript on how U.S. and China compete over East Asia's institutional architecture.

Ashton holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from Columbia University and a BSc and MSc from the London School of Economics.

He is located in the Central West wing at C338-I-2 and can be reached at ashtoncho@stanford.edu

More information can be found on his personal webpage www.ashtoncho.com

 
2017-2018 Shorenstein Postdoctoral Fellow in Contemporary Asia
News Type
News
Date
Paragraphs

Rural areas of China have made remarkable progress in reducing adult mortality within the past 15 years yet broadened health insurance was not a casual factor in that decline, according to a new study by an international research team that includes Asia Health Policy Program Director Karen Eggleston.

The New Cooperative Medical Scheme (NCMS), a government-subsidized insurance program that began in 2002-03, expanded to cover all of rural China within a decade. Examining NCMS and cause-specific mortality data for a sample of 72 counties between 2004 and 2012, the researchers found that there were no significant effects of health insurance expansion on increased life expectancy.

The study, published in the September issue of Health Affairs, showed results consistent with previous studies that also did not find a correlation between insurance and survival, although much research confirms NCMS increased access to healthcare, including preventive services, and shielded families from high health expenditures.

Commenting on the study, Eggleston said population health policies remain central to China’s efforts to increase life expectancy and to bridge the gap between rural and urban areas.

Eggleston also noted that multiple factors beyond the availability of health care determine how long people live, and anticipates the research team will continue to explore the impacts of NCMS by extending the study to look at infants and youth.

Read the study (may require subscription) and view a related article on the Stanford Scope blog.

Hero Image
luoding china
Farmers dry star anise seeds in a country yard in Tanbin Township, China, Nov. 26, 2005.
Getty Images
All News button
1
Paragraphs

The future of ASEAN is necessarily unknown. Its futures, however, can be guessed with less risk of being wrong. My purpose here is not to predict with confidence but to “pandict” with reticence—not to choose one assured future but to scan several that could conceivably occur. Also, what follows is merely a range, not the range.  The five different ASEANs of the future all too briefly sketched below are meant to be suggestive, but they are neither fully exclusive nor jointly exhaustive. Potentiality outruns imagination. My hope is that by doing the easy thing—opening a few doors on paper—I may tempt analysts more knowledgeable than I to do the hard thing. That truly difficult challenge is to pick the one doorway through which ASEAN is most likely to walk or be pushed through—and to warrant that choice with the comprehensive evidence and thorough reasoning that, for lack of space and expertise, are not found here. That said, this pandiction does start with a prediction, and thereafter as well the line between speculation and expectation—the possible and the probable—will occasionally be crossed. In addition, by way of self-critique: my guessings and imaginings may overestimate the importance of China in ASEAN’s futures.

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Working Papers
Publication Date
Journal Publisher
June 2017
Authors
Donald K. Emmerson
Paragraphs

In the days leading up to the Washington summit between South Korean President Moon Jae-in and U.S. President Donald Trump, the tension in Seoul was hard to escape. Fears of an open clash between the two leaders, of a handshake that went on too long, or of a hostile early morning tweet directed at Moon were widespread. But when a senior national security advisor to Moon met a group of American visitors after the first day of talks, he was visibly relieved. The dinner between Moon and U.S. President Donald Trump went so well, he recounted with a slight smile, that it was extended 35 minutes.

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Commentary
Publication Date
Journal Publisher
Toyo Keizai Online (Tokyo Business Today)
Authors
Authors
Gi-Wook Shin
Rennie Moon
News Type
Commentary
Date
Paragraphs

As expected, Moon Jae-in has been elected as South Korea’s 19th president. In a five-way contest, Moon garnered 41.1 percent of the vote, with strong support from those in their 20s to 50s, winning most of the regions in the country. 

South Koreans’ longing for change had been expressed through the now-famous candlelight demonstrations that lasted for almost twenty consecutive weekends culminating in the impeachment of now former president Park Geun-hye. It was also reflected in the highest voter turnout in two decades, at 77.2 percent.

Just hours after his decisive victory, Moon began his five-year term without the usual practice of a transition team. Moreover, he took office during turbulent times — domestically and internationally — perhaps even more so than when former president Kim Dae-jung took office in 1998 when the nation was struggling with the Asian financial crisis.

First and foremost, Moon must deal with the mounting social and economic challenges that the country is facing. Having entered a period of low-growth coupled with an aging population, the economy confronts a host of difficult issues, including high levels of youth unemployment, income inequality, household debt, elderly poverty and rising social welfare expenditures.

The Moon administration immediately established a ‘job creation committee’ and pledged to create 810,000 jobs in the public sector. But it will not be easy to amass the financial resources needed by a government already struggling with serious budget deficits. Most agree that ‘economic democratisation’ is needed, but the details of how to achieve that — including reforming the chaebol — remain unclear.

Economic uncertainties have been a key factor contributing to social unrest. Words in vogue among South Koreans in their 20s and 30s reflect the social discontent with youth unemployment and inequality that ultimately erupted in the demonstrations.

‘Hell Joseon’ captures a sentiment of what it means to live in South Korea’s hellish reality. ‘Golden Spoons Dirt Spoons’ levels the charge that one’s life course is decided for good by one’s family background. ‘Gapjil’ refers to acts of impunity by the powerful against the weak, while the ‘Sampo generation’ is a generation forced to give up three things: courtship, marriage and children. If Moon fails to live up to the expectations of the country’s youth, a bloc that widely supported him, social discontent and symptoms of unrest will likely return.

Moon also faces daunting tasks in national security matters. North Korea has continued to develop weapons of mass destruction and relations have been all but completely severed. As controversy over the deployment of THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) has shown, South Korea remains caught in the middle of a hegemonic struggle between the United States and China.

If that wasn’t enough, South Korea made a deal with Japan on the comfort women issue in late 2015 but the public now demands its renegotiation. South Korean–Russian relations are also at their grimmest. To top it all off, Moon must deal with a formidable set of nationalist and populist leaders — Donald Trump, Xi Jinping, Shinzo Abe, Kim Jong-un and Vladimir Putin — all known for their very strong characters, in stark contrast to Moon’s nice-guy, everyman personality.

The most urgent but also most challenging task is managing inter-Korean relations. As Pyongyang steps up its nuclear and missile programs, Seoul must reaffirm to the international community that it will continue its efforts to denuclearise the North. At the same time, relations between the two Koreas must be improved to strengthen South Korea’s strategic position in the region as well as reduce tensions on the peninsula.

Trump has been sending out confusing messages probably because he has no suitable plan to deal with Pyongyang. As such, if Seoul were to bring to the table a persuasive policy of engagement, Washington would be receptive unless it weakens US efforts towards denuclearisation. Both Beijing (pressured by Washington to solve the North Korean nuclear issue) and Pyongyang (concerned about becoming overly dependent on China) would welcome Seoul taking the initiative to improve inter-Korean relations.

Some pundits at home and abroad worry that the Moon administration might follow in the footsteps of the Roh administration (2003–2008), whose outcomes lagged too far behind its good will to bring about reform. Moon served as Roh’s chief of staff and the two administrations overlap in manpower. But Moon and his team have also learned many lessons from the trial and error of the Roh administration, preparing themselves over the past ten years of conservative rule.

With the new administration in place, political turmoil over the last six months has finally ended. Moon’s first moves as president, including key appointments in the Blue House and opening up communication channels with the public, have been well received. A public poll conducted by Gallup Korea one week after the inauguration showed that 87 percent of the respondents expected him to do well. Despite mounting challenges, South Koreans remain hopeful that their new leader can take the nation to the next level.

This piece was originally carried by East Asia Forum on May 23, 2017, and reposted with permission.

Hero Image
moon jae in wave
South Korean President Moon Jae-In waves to his supporters as he leaves an event on May 10, 2017, in Seoul, South Korea.
Getty Images/Pool
All News button
1
Subscribe to Institutions and Organizations