American news from Indonesia has been alarming. "Asian Terror: Al Qaeda Seeks Niche in Indonesia, Officials Fear," headlined the New York Times on 23 January 2002. In the same issue, in a column ambitiously subtitled "What the Muslim World Really Feels," Tom Friedman described "an iron curtain of misunderstanding separating America and the Arab-Muslim world"--a world marked, in his view, by "enormous cultural resistance to believing anything good about America."

Indonesia is mainly Malay, not Arab, but it has more Muslims than any other country. How seriously should signs of jihadism there be taken? Ostensibly Islamist or jihadist movements include Darul Islam, HAMMAS, Laskar Jihad, the Islamic Defenders Front, the Islamic Youth Movement, Jemaah Islamiah, and KISDI. In Maluku and Sulawesi, Christians have killed Muslims and vice versa. Americans and their embassy in Jakarta have been threatened. How should such groups, events, and risks be described, explained, and responded to? In what specific ways are faith, politics, and violence intersecting in Indonesia--and with what implications for Indonesians and Americans?

Analysts have long portrayed Indonesian Muslims as exemplary in their openness and tolerance toward non-Muslims and, within the Muslim community, toward religious diversity, creativity, and reform. Were these observers naive? Or have jihadism and Islamism been grossly overdrawn, and for reasons that involve politics, prejudice, and sensationalism far more than actual conditions? In this volatile context, how realistic are current reformist projects to foster a "liberal Islam," a "moderate Islam," a "feminist Islam," or a distinctively accommodative "Indonesian Islam"--as against an avowedly "militant Islam" that would impose an "Islamic state"?

Struggling over how to choose between doing well and doing good? Come hear a panel of business leaders who have achieved both, creating successful businesses while also giving back, supporting social initiatives, and/or promoting social good. Panelists will discuss the detailed tactics of how they were able to structure and manage their companies in order to create socially responsible businesses.

Sponsored by GSB Center for Entrepreneurial Studies, GSB Public Management Program, and the Stanford Entrepreneurship Network composed of the Stanford Project on Regions of Innovation and Entrepreneurship, the Stanford Technology Ventures Program, BASES, Medical Device Network, Office of Technology Licensing, Stanford Law School, Office of Corporate Relations, and the US-Asia Technology Management Center.

Dr. Bat Batjargal is visiting scholar at the Center for Russian and East European Studies, Stanford University. He holds a lecturer position at London Business School and is assistant professor in strategy at Beijing University School of Management. His Ph.D. is from the University of Oxford. Previously, he has held visiting appointments at Harvard University, United Nations University in Tokyo, and the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow. He is the author of several research articles on entrepreneurship, and the book "Entrepreneurship in the New Russia: The Resource Based View" to be published by Edward Elgar in 2002.

How was it that Afghanistan, a country that was often conquered and ruled by outsiders before 1800, became seemingly impossible to conquer and rule in the 19th and 20th centuries? An historical examination of Afghan history reveals that premodern Central Asian rulers looked upon war and conquest as the business of displacing rival elites, a process having little or nothing to do with the inhabitants of the territory. During the 19th century, this pattern began to change in Afghanistan where governments found themselves dependent on raising tribal armies to repel foreign invaders, such as the British, at the cost of sharing power with them in the postwar period. This pattern continued into the 20th century when during each period of state collapse drew an ever-wider part of the population into the political struggle for power. The Soviet invasion drew the widest possible opposition but upon their withdrawal no faction was able to create a stable government. Afghanistan fell into ten years of civil war that opened it up to extreme movements such the Taliban and its exploitation by outsiders such as Osama bin Laden. Since war alone has now proved incapable of solving Afghanistan's problems the current conflict in Afghanistan can only be won by a wider policy that makes Afghanistan's economic and political reconstruction a priority in a way that can end its cycle of anarchy.

In recent years, Korea has seen remarkable developments in the broadband Internet access business. This presentation looks into what Korea's broadband Internet usage is like now in comparison with other countries, and explains the major factors contributing to such development from three viewpoints: government, private sector, and social backgrounds. The seminar will also include discussing challenges that the Korean broadband Internet industry is facing: how to convert high usage of Internet to e-business, and strategic issues from a broadband Internet service provider's standpoint. This program is free and open to the public. Lunch will be provided for those who **RSVP before noon on Wednesday, March 6th** to Okky Choi. Tel: (650) 724-8271 or Email: okkychoi@stanford.edu

High-level talks between the United States and North Korea began under the previous Bush administration, and continued throughout the 1990s. These negotiations succeeded in mothballing the North's nuclear reactor and, with immense help from President Kim Dae-Jung's "sunshine policy," were on the brink of another major breakthrough a year ago. Although little diplomacy movement has occurred since the new Bush administration took office, and much has changed elsewhere in the world since the terrorist attacks on September 11th, conditions remain conducive to a rapprochement between Washington and Pyongyang, and a final, formal end to the Korean War. This program is free and open to the public. Lunch will be provided for those who **RSVP before noon on Wednesday, January 16th** to Okky Choi. Tel: (650) 724-8271 or Email: okkychoi@stanford.edu

Professor Wang Jisi is director and a senior researcher of the Institute of American Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) in Beijing. He is concurrently director of the Institute of International and Strategic Studies at the Party School of the Central Committee, the Communist Party of China, a guest professor of Peking University and Tsinghua University, and president of the Chinese Association for American Studies. He is also a member and advisor to many prestigious research institutions in the United States. He is now teaching a course on "China Under Reform" for the fall semester, 2001, as a Freeman Professor of Asian Studies at Claremont McKenna College in California. Wang Jisi's formal education was interrupted by the Cultural Revolution. In the ten years between 1968 and 1978 he did various sorts of labor as a herdsman, peasant, and factory worker in Inner Mongolia and central China. He entered Peking University in 1978 and obtained his MA degree in 1983. Professor Wang's scholarly interests cover international relations theory, U.S. foreign policy, Chinese foreign policy, and China-U.S. relations. He has published numerous works in these fields, including a recent volume in Chinese entitled "Lonely at the Top: U.S. Global Strategy and Position in the Post-Cold War World." His articles in English include "Building a Constructive Relationship between the United States, China, and Japan" (1998), "China's New Identity and Peace in Northeast Asia" (2000), "The Internet in China: A New Fantasy?" (2000), and "Hot Peace - Not a New Cold War - between China and the United States" (2001).

Four months into Megawati Sukarnoputri's presidency, many of the same ills continue to plague Indonesia Ð economic and legal reforms are at a standstill, corruption is rampant and Indonesia's 220 million still lack the democratic freedoms promised when Suharto stepped down three years ago. Home to the world's largest Muslim population, Indonesia, as much as or more than Pakistan, is subject to serious destablization in light of the events of September 11th and October 7th. Please join us for a timely and informative briefing on the current political, economic and social situation in Indonesia today.

Indonesian poet, essayist and journalist Goenawan Mohamad is the former editor of Tempo, the weekly news magazine once banned by Suharto because of its penetrating articles and expos?s. He has long been known for his reasoned, articulate criticism of government policies and as an advocate of democracy and free speech in Indonesia. He has spent the last semester as a Visiting Fellow at UCLA. Donald Emmerson is a leading authority on the politics and international relations of Southeast Asia, with particular concentration on Indonesia. He is currently a senior fellow in Stanford University's Institute for International Studies, where he also heads the Asia/Pacific Research Center's Southeast Asia Forum. Prior to this, Dr. Emmerson was a professor in the University of Wisconsin-Madison's Department of Political Science. In June 1999, he helped monitor the Indonesian election for the National Democratic Institute and the Carter Center.