FSI researchers work to understand continuity and change in societies as they confront their problems and opportunities. This includes the implications of migration and human trafficking. What happens to a society when young girls exit the sex trade? How do groups moving between locations impact societies, economies, self-identity and citizenship? What are the ethnic challenges faced by an increasingly diverse European Union? From a policy perspective, scholars also work to investigate the consequences of security-related measures for society and its values.
The Europe Center reflects much of FSI’s agenda of investigating societies, serving as a forum for experts to research the cultures, religions and people of Europe. The Center sponsors several seminars and lectures, as well as visiting scholars.
Societal research also addresses issues of demography and aging, such as the social and economic challenges of providing health care for an aging population. How do older adults make decisions, and what societal tools need to be in place to ensure the resulting decisions are well-informed? FSI regularly brings in international scholars to look at these issues. They discuss how adults care for their older parents in rural China as well as the economic aspects of aging populations in China and India.
Philippines Conference Room
During the Choson period, ojin or portraits of kings were regarded as the most important of all figural images. From the beginning of the Choson dynasty, many ojin were produced and housed in chinjon or portrait halls. King T'aejo (r. 1392-1398), the founder of the Choson dynasty, enshrined one of his ojin at the Chunwon Hall in Yonghung, where he was born, and another in a chinjon in Kyongju, the capital of the ancient kingdom of Silla. The third king T'aejong (r. 1400-1398), who was the fifth son of King T'aejo, established two more chinjon: Munso Hall in the capital city Hanyang and Kyemyong Hall in Kaesong, the capital of the previous Koryo dynasty. He also enshrined two additional portraits of King T'aejo in Pyongyang, the old capital of Kokuryo, and in Chonju, the royal family's ancestral home. As a result, there were altogether six chinjon in the early Choson period.
In contrast to the Koryo dynasty when chinjon were often established at Buddhist temples, most Choson royal chinjon had no relation to Buddhism. Instead, they were built in a Confucian architectural style and were used for the observance of ancestor worship ceremonies based on Confucian rites.
Choson ojin and chinjon often manifested the king's authority and power. Due to his usurpation of the throne by killing his brother, King T'aejong struggled to maintain his legitimacy throughout his reign. He used ojin and chinjon to consolidate his kingship and to suppress challenges posed by high officials. Therefore, ojin in the early Choson dynasty was a very political art form, and most recorded discussions on ojin were based on political context with little or no regard for artistic agendas.
Philippines Conference Room
China's path of political and economic change has diverged sharply from the experience of virtually all other state socialist regimes. Distinguishing it are its rapidly growing economy and expansion of higher education, deep engagement with the world economy and radical shift towards educational attainment in Party recruitment. These signs of political revitalisation portend a quiet transformation of China's elite, and may reinforce a stable evolution towards effective and less authoritarian forms of government. The greatest threat to this scenario would be state sector reform via privatisation that leaves large percentages of state assets in the hands of elite families.
For much of the U.S.-ROK alliance's fifty-year history, it was considered one of the most successful political-military relationships forged out of the Cold War era. More recently, however, experts have expressed concerns about the durability of the alliance, given changing views in both Seoul and Washington on the nature of the threat posed by North Korea. The two allies' disparate approaches to DPRK policy became evident in the wake of the 2001 summit between the newly inaugurated President Bush and South Korean President Kim Dae Jung.
TERNATE, North Maluku, Indonesia: Indonesia's first direct presidential election was held peacefully last Monday. That fact alone spelled success in a troubled country with an authoritarian past. As vote totals mounted at election headquarters in Jakarta, observers could project not only the outcome--they could also look forward with some confidence to a democratic future for the fourth most populous country and largest Muslim society on earth.
Seen from below, however, the world's biggest and most complex democratic experiment amounts to a set of promises still waiting to be fulfilled.
Half an hour by speedboat from Ternate and two more hours by jeep on damaged roads across the remote island of Halmera lie two adjacent villages, Sosol and Tahane. A clash between them on the night of August 18, 1999 had triggered near-anarchy here in the northern Maluku archipelago. Muslims fought Christians, then Muslims fought Muslims. More than a thousand died.
An Indonesian colleague and I went there on election day. We wanted to know whether the balloting would help heal or reopen North Maluku's wounds.
Sosol is a Christian village. In a near-whisper that reflected the sensitivity of the topic, the village secretary blamed the 1999 outbreak squarely on Muslim militants in Tahane. They had attacked Sosol en masse, he said. They had thrown rocks and torched homes while screaming "Allahu Akbar"--"God is great." Christian villages had counterattacked.
Interviewed in his home just down the road, the village chief of all-Muslim Tahane remembered differently: "They acted first," he said. People in Sosol had been drinking alcohol, forbidden to Muslims. From his side of the border he could hear the shouts of drunken Sosolans abusing Tahane; the Sosolans began seizing Tahanean houses, slashing the furniture, he said. He admitted that the first to die was killed by a Tahanean, "but they started it," he insisted. "They had weapons - arrows, bombs. What was I to do? Let them roll over us?"
Ever since the chief and his fellow villagers had arrived in Tahane in the 1970s, evacuees from a feared volcanic eruption on their home island in the south, the Sosolans had hated them and tried to get them to leave. Or so he said.
The roots of this conflict embrace many issues. They include religion, migration, ethnicity, customs, and access to land. But it was an action taken by the central government in far-off Jakarta that lit this volatile mix in 1999--a decree that transferred Sosol and several other largely Christian villages to the jurisdication of a new and mostly Muslim subdistrict, including Tahane. What looked in Jakarta like a purely administrative arrangement appeared to Sosolans to threaten their identity.
It has never been realistic here to expect the national government to understand what goes on in and between particular villages--not in a country this vast, diverse, and underdeveloped.
But democracy raises expectations. What happened on July 5 linked the electorate directly, almost personally, to individual candidates running for president and vice-president of the entire country.
Throughout our election-date tour of polling stations in northern Maluku we came across evidence of disappointment and hope in roughly equal measure.
Every villager we met either was or had been a refugee from the violence of the 1990s, and nearly every one had suffered. Yet when we asked who had supplied them with emergency food and housing materials to survive the crisis and rebuild, our informants rarely mentioned the Indonesian government.
We also found good news. Although Sosol and Tahane voted for opposing slates, old wounds stayed closed. The villagers were not about to let political rivalries between presidential candidates rekindle calamity. There was no violence on voting day, and turnouts were high in all the villages. If democracy requires civility and participation, the people of northern Maluku are ready and willing to do their part.
But will Indonesia's new president, when finally elected in a run-off this September, be willing and able to his or her part? Will campaign promises be kept?
Perhaps the most poignant hint of this country's fragility occurred when I asked the Sosol village secretary, "What is Indonesia?" For the first time in our conversation, he fell silent. Try as he might, he could not answer.
At the risk of wishful thinking, one can hope the election itself was a kind of answer.
Wednesday, January 14
Welcoming Remarks
2:00 Michael Armacost, Shorenstein APARC
Security Dimension of the Alliances
2:10-4:00
Chair: Daniel Okimoto, Senior Fellow, SIIS and Shorenstein APARC
The Changes in the US's Strategic Doctrine
Kurt Campbell, Senior Vice President & Director, International Security Program, Center for Security and International Studies
What key elements of change in American strategic doctrine have been introduced by the Bush Administration? What implications do they have for US alliances in Northeast Asia?
The China Dimension
Michael Lampton, Director, China Studies Program, Johns Hopkins University
What implications would improved Sino-US relations have on America's alliances in Asia?
Jing Huang, Associate Professor of Political Science, Utah State University
How have Chinese attitudes and policies toward America's Northeast Asian alliances changed over the past five years or so? What accounts for those changes? What implications have they for the future of these alliances?
Discussant: William Perry, Michael and Barbara Berberian Professor, School of Engineering, Stanford University and the 19th Secretary of Defense for the United States
4:30-6:00 The Future of America's Alliances in Northeast Asia
Admiral Thomas Fargo, Commander, US Pacific Command
Keynote and Public Address
Introduction to be made by William Perry
Bechtel Conference Center, Encina Hall, first floor
Thursday, January 15
Changing View of the Regional Security Environment and the Alliances
8:00-10:15
Chair: Michael Armacost, Shorenstein APARC
The Japanese Government's Views on the Alliance
Kuriyama Takakazu, Ambassador, retired
How have the views of the Japanese government changed in recent years with respect to the regional security environment and the mission and strategic focus of the US-Japan alliance? How have they changed with respect to the security responsibilities? Should Japan be prepared to shoulder on these responsibilities on its own outside the contours of the alliance?
The View of the Republic of Korea's Government of the Alliance
Kim Won-soo, Visiting Scholar, Shorenstein APARC & former Secretary to the President of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Office of the President, Republic of Korea
How have South Korean government perception and policies changed in recent years vis-à-vis the regional security environment and the mission and strategic focus of the US-ROK alliance? How have they changed with respect to the security responsibilities that South Korea is expected to shoulder on its own, outside the contours of the alliance?
The US Government's Views on the US-Japan Alliance
Rust Deming, Distinguished Visiting Fellow, National Defense University & Ambassador, retired
How have American government perceptions and policies changed in recent years vis-à-vis the mission and strategic focus of the US-Japan alliance?
The US Government's View on the U.S.-Republic of Korea Alliance
Victor Cha, D.S. Song Associate Professor of Government and Asian Studies, Georgetown University
How have American government perceptions and policies changed in recent years vis-à-vis the mission and strategic focus of the US-Japan alliance?
Discussant: Christopher LaFleur, Cyrus Vance Fellow in Diplomatic Studies, Council on Foreign Relations
The Changing Domestic Politics of the Alliance
10:30-12:15
Chair: Gi-Wook Shin, Director, Korean Studies Program, Shorenstein APARC
Japanese Domestic Views of the Alliance
Nakanishi Hiroshi, Professor, Graduate School of Law, Kyoto University
Since the mid-1990s, what noteworthy changes have surfaced in domestic support or opposition to the US-Japan alliance? What changes in support or opposition to the bilateral cooperation on security issues in Asia and elsewhere?
The Changes in South Korean Domestic Views of the Alliance
Lee Chung-min, Professor, Graduate School of International Studies, Yonsei University
How have domestic political dynamics and public attitudes toward the US-ROK alliance and bilateral cooperation on security issues changed in recent years? What accounts for those changes? What implications do they have for US alliances in Northeast Asia?
American Domestic Views of the US-Republic of Korea Alliance
Donald Gregg, President, The Korea Society
How have American public attitudes (as reflected in public opinion polls, press reporting, and Congressional actions) evolved toward the US-ROK alliance and bilateral defense cooperation in recent years? What accounts for these changes? What are their implications for the future of the alliance?
Discussant: Daniel Okimoto, Senior Fellow, SIIS and Shorenstein APARC
Adjustments in the Operational Arrangement for Defense Cooperation
1:30-3:45
Chair & Discussant: Henry Rowen, Senior Fellow Emeritus, SIIS and Shorenstein APARC
Japanese Adjustments in US-Japan Defense Cooperation
Yamaguchi Noboru, Major General, Japan Ground Self Defense Force
What adjustments have occurred in recent years in the operational arrangements underpinning US-Japan defense cooperation? What further changes would the Japanese Government like to promote?
US-Japan Defense Cooperation
Ralph Cossa, President, Pacific Forum, Center for Strategic and International Studies
What adjustments have occurred in recent years in the operational arrangements underpinning US-Japan defense cooperation? What additional changes is the Bush Administration likely to promote?
US-Republic of Korea Defense Cooperation
William Drennan, Deputy Director, United States Institute of Peace
What adjustments have occurred in recent years in the operational arrangements underpinning US-Japan defense cooperation? What additional changes is the Bush Administration likely to promote?
US-Republic of Korea Defense Cooperation
Kim Jae chang, General, Joint Korea-US Command, (retired) and Co-Chairman, Council on ROK-US Security Studies
What adjustments have occurred in recent years in the operational arrangements underpinning US-ROK defense cooperation? What further changes would the Republic of Korea like to promote?
Where Do We Go From Here? Conclusions
4:00-5:00
Michael Armacost, Shorenstein Distinguished Fellow & Ambassador, retired
Daniel Okimoto, Senior Fellow, SIIS and Shorenstein APARC
Henry Rowen, Senior Fellow Emeritus, SIIS and Shorenstein APARC
Robert Scalapino, Robson Research Professor of Government, Emeritus, University of California, Berkeley
Oksenberg Conference Room
Many similarities exist between America's alliances with Japan and South Korea. The United States provides a security guarantee to both countries, and maintains a military presence in each. Local ambivalence about these foreign troops has long been a staple of politics in both countries.
The two alliances are strategically connected. The United States would find it difficult to support its commitments to South Korea without access to bases in Japan. Japan would have trouble sustaining political support for US bases if it were America's only ally in the region. Trilateral security consultations among the United States, Japan, and South Korea enhance deterrence and generate diplomatic leverage with respect to North Korea.
The US-Japan and US-ROK alliances have yielded mutual benefits for over fifty years. Yet today, while US-Japan defense cooperation is flourishing, conflicting perceptions in Washington and Seoul of Kim Jong-il's North Korean regime--and how to deal with it--have generated deep concerns about the future of the US-ROK alliance. This has prompted officials on both sides to shift their attention from managing these defense partnerships to redefining their terms.
Armacost and Okimoto's provocative book examines this policy challenge. Substantial progress has been achieved in modernizing the US-Japan alliance. A shared US-ROK analysis of the North Korean challenge, and a common strategy for combating it, is now the urgent priority. Without it, the US-ROK alliance will not regain the relevance and promise that mark America's relationship with Japan. Given the stakes, Washington and Seoul must summon the political will to address current problems promptly and purposefully. Written by some of the most eminent scholars and practitioners in the field, the chapters in this timely volume offer thoughtful suggestions to help policymakers achieve this goal.
(This title is now out of print; four PDFs, arranged by section, may be downloaded at the links below.)
Introduction
Preface (Daniel I. Okimoto)
The Future of America’s Alliances in Northeast Asia (Michael H. Armacost)
America’s Asia Strategy during the Bush Administration (Kurt M. Campbell)
Japan
The Japan-US Alliance in Evolution (Kuriyama Takakazu)
The Changing American Government Perspectives on the Missions and Strategic Focus of the US-Japan Alliance (Rust M. Deming)
Japanese Adjustments to the Security Alliance with the United States: Evolution of Policy on the Roles of the Self-Defense Force (Yamaguchi Noboru)
US-Japan Defense Cooperation: Can Japan Become the Great Britain of Asia?
Should It? (Ralph A. Cossa)
The Japan-US Alliance and Japanese Domestic Politics: Sources of Change, Prospects for the Future (Hiroshi Nakanishi)
Korea
Shaping Change and Cultivating Ideas in the US-ROK Alliance (Victor D. Cha)
The United States and South Korea: An Alliance Adrift (Donald P. Gregg)
Challenges for the ROK-US Alliance in the Twenty-First Century (Won-soo Kim)
US-ROK Defense Cooperation (William M. Drennan)
Changes in the Combined Operations Arrangement in Korea (Kim Jae-chang)
Domestic Politics and the Changing Contours of the ROK-US Alliance: The End of the Status Quo (Lee Chung-min)
China
US-China Relations and America’s Pacific Alliances in the Post–-9/11 Era (David M. Lampton)
China and America’s Northeast Asian Alliances: Approaches, Politics, and Dilemmas (Jing Huang)
Contributors
The audio version of this television program may be downloaded via the link below, using Realplayer. Click on the link for March 31, 2004.
Lunch provided to those who RSVP to Yumi Onoyama at yumio@stanford.edu by Tuesday, May 25.
12:00pm The Challenges and Opportunities to PetroChina in the Stock Market
Ruisheng Yong, PetroChina Company, Ltd.
12:20pm What Are the Conditions for Creating a Second Silicon Valley in Shizuoka Prefecture?
Ikuzo Matsushita, Shizuoka Prefectural Government
12:40pm Lessons of Entrepreneurial Education for Japan's Young Generation
Yoshinori Ueda, Kansai Electric Power Company
1:00pm Non-technology Issues Awaiting the E-paper Content Market--From Marketing & Legal Perspectives
Taizo Shiozaki, Impress Corporation
1:20pm Pension Investment and Fiduciary Duty in the United States
Fumiaki Tonoki, Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry
1:40pm Renewable Energy and Environmental Policies in the Power Industry
Shinichiro Goko, Electric Power Development Company
2:00pm Application of 'Web Service' to Electronic Media
Atsushi Sato, Asahi Shimbun Company
Philippines Conference Room, Encina Hall
A buffet lunch will be available to those who RSVP to Rakhi Patel at rpatel80@stanford.edu by Tuesday, May 5. Only recently have scholars begun to invest a substantial amount of effort in researching the history of the "forgotten" region of P'yóngan Province in Korean historiography. These works, which focus mostly on the period before the Hong Kyóngnae Rebellion of 1812, mainly investigate particular historical experiences of this region that culminated in the cross-class rebellion. These works are extremely valuable for a number of reasons. They represent the first comprehensive historical research on the northwestern region of the Korean peninsula, currently a part of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea (North Korea). Most of these studies start with the notion that there was no yangban aristocracy in P'yóngan Province -- a prevailing perception of late Chosón literati, and one that rationalized social and political discrimination against people from this region. One of the main goals of this study is to challenge this perspective through a close reading of the writings of Paek Kyónghae (1765-1842), a literatus from P'yóngan Province, to illuminate his perceptions and responses to regional discrimination and his cultural identity as a man from a politically and socially condemned region. This discussion offers a microscopic examination of the bilateral relations between the center and the periphery through Paek's life experiences. Particularly because Paek Kyónghae lived as a yangban official through the major social and political disruption posed by the Hong Kyóngnae Rebellion -- to which regional discrimination against the people of P'yóngan Province in terms of political advancement by the central court provided an ideological justification -- his views and personal choices partly explain how the existing regime survived the rebellion.
Philippines Conference Room, Encina Hall
