Son of a prominent Philadelphia family, Stokes left for India at age 20 to work in a leper colony, and later created a new religious order, married a village girl and lived as an Indian householder, fought injustices (including British rule) with Gandhi and others, and was jailed by the British for his political activity. Stokes is best remembered now for transforming the regional economy by introducing the American Delicious apple. "...the story of the commitment to India that prompted Gandhi to describe (Stokes) as a foreigner who had made India his home in a manner in which perhaps no other American or Englishman has'" -- Mark Tully, India Today Asha Sharma's biography of Sam Stokes was introduced at the American Embassy in New Delhi, and has been a best seller in India. Sharma holds a degree in Journalism from Columbia University. She was a fellow of the Indian Council of Historical Research and a Research Associate at the University of California at Berkeley. She has taught at a university and has worked as a correspondent.

American news from Indonesia has been alarming. "Asian Terror: Al Qaeda Seeks Niche in Indonesia, Officials Fear," headlined the New York Times on 23 January 2002. In the same issue, in a column ambitiously subtitled "What the Muslim World Really Feels," Tom Friedman described "an iron curtain of misunderstanding separating America and the Arab-Muslim world"--a world marked, in his view, by "enormous cultural resistance to believing anything good about America."

Indonesia is mainly Malay, not Arab, but it has more Muslims than any other country. How seriously should signs of jihadism there be taken? Ostensibly Islamist or jihadist movements include Darul Islam, HAMMAS, Laskar Jihad, the Islamic Defenders Front, the Islamic Youth Movement, Jemaah Islamiah, and KISDI. In Maluku and Sulawesi, Christians have killed Muslims and vice versa. Americans and their embassy in Jakarta have been threatened. How should such groups, events, and risks be described, explained, and responded to? In what specific ways are faith, politics, and violence intersecting in Indonesia--and with what implications for Indonesians and Americans?

Analysts have long portrayed Indonesian Muslims as exemplary in their openness and tolerance toward non-Muslims and, within the Muslim community, toward religious diversity, creativity, and reform. Were these observers naive? Or have jihadism and Islamism been grossly overdrawn, and for reasons that involve politics, prejudice, and sensationalism far more than actual conditions? In this volatile context, how realistic are current reformist projects to foster a "liberal Islam," a "moderate Islam," a "feminist Islam," or a distinctively accommodative "Indonesian Islam"--as against an avowedly "militant Islam" that would impose an "Islamic state"?

The recent decades have witnessed the rise of new scholarship in Korea, which tries to "rewrite" the modern Korean history between the late 1940s and the early 1950s. It seeks to challenge and overcome the so-called "revisionist" approaches to the modern Korean history, but it is definitely far from endorsing or returning to the previous "traditional" viewpoints. Claiming itself to be a "third wave" in the study of modern Korean history, this presentation re-examines the postwar U.S.-Korean policy in general, discusses the American governing of South Korea from practical points of view, and puts forth the social history of the modern Korea under the U.S. occupation and during the Korean war.

High-level talks between the United States and North Korea began under the previous Bush administration, and continued throughout the 1990s. These negotiations succeeded in mothballing the North's nuclear reactor and, with immense help from President Kim Dae-Jung's "sunshine policy," were on the brink of another major breakthrough a year ago. Although little diplomacy movement has occurred since the new Bush administration took office, and much has changed elsewhere in the world since the terrorist attacks on September 11th, conditions remain conducive to a rapprochement between Washington and Pyongyang, and a final, formal end to the Korean War. This program is free and open to the public. Lunch will be provided for those who **RSVP before noon on Wednesday, January 16th** to Okky Choi. Tel: (650) 724-8271 or Email: okkychoi@stanford.edu

Larry Diamond, Senior Fellow, The Hoover Institution and Professor of Political Science & Sociology, Stanford University. A specialist on democratic development, Professor Diamond is studying public opinion in Taiwan, where he will serve as an official observer of the parliamentary election. He is co-editor of Journal of Democracy. Phillip C. Saunders, Director, East Asia Nonproliferation Program, Monterey Institute of International Studies. Professor Saunders studies Sino-US relations and East Asian security issues. He is the author of Project Strait Talk: Security and Stability in the Taiwan Strait. Thomas Gold, Professor of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley A specialist on the democratic transition in Taiwan, Professor Gold is the author of "The Waning of the Kuomintang State on Taiwan," in State Capacity in East Asia. He will be an official observer of Taiwan's parliamentary elections. Taiwan politics were turned upside-down in March 2000, when the Kuomintang was defeated in the presidential election, ending 55 years of one-party rule. Now, polls show the KMT is likely to lose its parliamentary majority in the December 2001 elections, a development which would dismay Beijing, sideline one of Asia's oldest political movements, trigger profound realignments in Taiwan's internal politics, and transform relations between Taiwan, China, and the United States. The election results and their implications will be discussed in a roundtable discussion with the three panelists. A buffet lunch will be served.

Professor Wang Jisi is director and a senior researcher of the Institute of American Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) in Beijing. He is concurrently director of the Institute of International and Strategic Studies at the Party School of the Central Committee, the Communist Party of China, a guest professor of Peking University and Tsinghua University, and president of the Chinese Association for American Studies. He is also a member and advisor to many prestigious research institutions in the United States. He is now teaching a course on "China Under Reform" for the fall semester, 2001, as a Freeman Professor of Asian Studies at Claremont McKenna College in California. Wang Jisi's formal education was interrupted by the Cultural Revolution. In the ten years between 1968 and 1978 he did various sorts of labor as a herdsman, peasant, and factory worker in Inner Mongolia and central China. He entered Peking University in 1978 and obtained his MA degree in 1983. Professor Wang's scholarly interests cover international relations theory, U.S. foreign policy, Chinese foreign policy, and China-U.S. relations. He has published numerous works in these fields, including a recent volume in Chinese entitled "Lonely at the Top: U.S. Global Strategy and Position in the Post-Cold War World." His articles in English include "Building a Constructive Relationship between the United States, China, and Japan" (1998), "China's New Identity and Peace in Northeast Asia" (2000), "The Internet in China: A New Fantasy?" (2000), and "Hot Peace - Not a New Cold War - between China and the United States" (2001).

How has the largely American war in Afghanistan--the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the counterattack that began on 7 October, and the retreat of Taliban forces since 13 November--affected the foreign policy environment now facing Northeast and Southeast Asian states? Is this the beginning of Cold War II? Has terrorism replaced communism as the enemy of a new and enduring global alliance led by the United States? How do East Asian governments see themselves in relation to this anti-terrorist coalition? As enthusiasts eager to defend or promote democracy in politics and moderation in religion? As joiners hoping to elicit American support for the repression of "terrorism" inside their own countries, e.g., in Tibet, Aceh, and the Sulu archipelago? As bystanders skeptical of American motives and resentful of American influence, but resigned to their inability to curb American hegemony? As balancers eager to organize East Asia into a region able to defend itself against unchecked American power? Matters relevant to the answering of such questions include: disappointing economic trends in much of East Asia; the likely impact of the compromises reaching at the recent World Trade Organization meeting in Qatar; the status and implications of the proposed free trade area between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); changing affinities and tensions among ASEAN members; military progress or failure in the effort to destroy Al Qaeda; and the possible involvement of East Asian contingents in a UN-brokered arrangement for the stabilization of Afghanistan. Simon SC Tay teaches international law at the National University of Singapore. He was selected for three terms as a Nominated Member of the Singapore Parliament. His many publications include A New ASEAN in a New Millennium (2000); Preventive Diplomacy and the ASEAN Regional Forum (1999); and "Towards a Singaporean Civil Society," in Southeast Asian Affairs 1998. He also writes stories and poems; his 1991 book, Stand Alone, was short-listed for the Commonwealth Prize. In 2000 the World Economic Forum named him a "global leader of tomorrow."

In the wake of the horrific terrorist attacks of September 11th, and the subsequent response by the United States, millions of Muslims across Asia face a new political landscape and changes to daily life. As the conflict in Afghanistan drags on, Muslims in Asia are being put in a more difficult position, and uncertainty about the the future abounds. A panel of distinguished scholars on Islam in Asia will help to explore this complex situation.

In recent years, Koreans playing in mass-mediated sports, such as Major League Baseball and the LPGA, have become important sites of transnational ethnic imagining for Koreans in the United States. Mass-mediated transnational sports are a powerful mode through which Korean nationalisms are produced outside the boundaries of the nation. This seminar will be a workshop discussion of the possibilities and problematics of investigating the production of Korean nationalist identities in an era of global flows of people, commodities, and information.