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Donald K. Emmerson
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"As much as China is front and center for the United States and Asia, the American pivot is not all about the dragon. It is also very much about the 10 member states of ASEAN," says Donald K. Emmerson in a recent opinion article.
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U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton (left) speaks with ASEAN Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan during a meeting at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, Indonesia, September 2012.
Flickr: U.S. Embassy Jakarta, Indonesia/U.S. State Dept.
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Controversy surrounds the role of the private sector in health service delivery, including primary care and population health services. China’s recent health reforms call for non-discrimination against private providers and emphasize strengthening primary care, but formal contracting-out initiatives remain few, and the associated empirical evidence is very limited. This paper presents a case study of contracting with private providers for urban primary and preventive health services in Shandong Province, China. The case study draws on three primary sources of data: administrative records; a household survey of over 1600 community residents in Weifang and City Y; and a provider survey of over 1000 staff at community health stations (CHS) in both Weifang and City Y. We supplement the quantitative data with one-on-one, in-depth interviews with key informants, including local officials in charge of public health and government finance.

We find significant differences in patient mix: Residents in the communities served by private community health stations are of lower socioeconomic status (more likely to be uninsured and to report poor health), compared to residents in communities served by a government-owned CHS. Analysis of a household survey of 1013 residents shows that they are more willing to do a routine health exam at their neighborhood CHS if they are of low socioeconomic status (as measured either by education or income). Government and private community health stations in Weifang did not statistically differ in their performance on contracted dimensions, after controlling for size and other CHS characteristics. In contrast, the comparison City Y had lower performance and a large gap between public and private providers. We discuss why these patterns arose and what policymakers and residents considered to be the main issues and concerns regarding primary care services.

Keywords:

Private providers; Contracting; Ownership; Primary care; Prevention; China

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Health Economics Review
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Yan Wang (former)
Karen Eggleston
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From the moment Corporate Affiliates Program Visiting Fellows step onto the Stanford campus, they enter a different world. Many consider it to be the experience of a lifetime.

Visiting Fellows gain leading-edge professional knowledge through courses, lectures, and visits to pioneering Bay Area companies. They also engage in a nine-month research project under the guidance of a Stanford scholar advisor. Each day is packed with activity, yet many Visiting Fellows even find time to indulge in a hobby and travel.

Shorenstein APARC recently caught up with three 2012–13 Visiting Fellows to talk about their first quarter at Stanford.

For Sanat Deshpande of Reliance Life Sciences, the Corporate Affiliates Program has given him a chance to study at a university again after twelve years of professional life. Of his first visit to the United States, he says, “Overall, this has been an excellent experience. Not only do I have the flexibility to focus on my work, but also to enjoy life.”

Saiko Nakagawa, who works for Japan’s Ministry of Finance, attended the University of California, San Diego, for graduate school ten years ago. Returning to an academic environment for her means having a chance to immerse herself in learning about her field. “The best thing about this program is that I have one entire year to focus and to manage my own time,” she says. “It is like an academic sabbatical.”

Wei Shi, a Visiting Fellow from the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, says,This first visit to the United States is an honor for me.” He thrives in Stanford’s creative atmosphere, and appreciates the access to research resources like specialized databases in the Graduate School of Business library. “Stanford is also a very diverse place,” Wei adds. “I have had a chance to meet many new people and encounter new ideas.”

Stay tuned to the Corporate Affiliates Program website throughout the academic year for more snapshots of Visiting Fellows’ life at Stanford.

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On the path to the "Dish" in the Stanford foothills. Corporate Affiliates Program Visiting Fellows find the Stanford campus to be a vibrant, creative environment filled with many new things and ideas to explore.
Linda A. Cicero / Stanford News
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Xiaoyuan Shi is a corporate affiliate visiting fellow at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) for 2012-13.  She has worked at the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) for 28 years.  Currently, she is the deputy general manager of the internal audit department of ICBC's head office in Beijing, previously working in the accounting department of ICBC's Shanxi branch.  Shi received her bachelor's degree in economics from the Shanxi Finance and Economics University and her MBA from Hong Kong University. 

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Why do government policymakers and peace activists often come to radically different conclusions on issues pertaining to peace and security? Drawing on insights from the literature on contentious politics and international relations theory, I argue that the politics of peace extend from different views regarding the nature of existing power relations and the legitimacy and moral purpose of the state. To test my argument, I examine the conflict between state and civil societal actors over the construction of a South Korean naval base and use discourse and content analysis to assess different interpretations regarding peace and security in relation to the naval base. Although the hope is to see David defeat Goliath, my findings are less sanguine: activists are not only physically overpowered by the state, but at the ideological level, their frames and discourse are frequently drowned out by a powerful discursive structure embedded in the logic of realism. This research has implications not only for national security policy in South Korea, but for international relations in Northeast Asia more broadly as middle powers position themselves between Beijing’s rise and Washington’s strategic rebalance to Asia.

Professor Andrew Yeo’s broad research interests lie at the intersection of international relations and comparative politics. His first book, Activists, Alliances, and Anti-U.S. Base Protests (Cambridge University Press, 2011) explores the politics of overseas military bases, focusing on the impact of security alliances on social movements and state response to domestic anti-base pressure. His other works have appeared in Comparative Politics, International Studies Quarterly, and Journal of East Asian Studies. His research and teaching interests include international relations theory, international security, overseas U.S. military presence, social movements and transnational politics, East Asia, and North Korea. He received his Ph.D. from Cornell University in 2008.

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Dr. Andrew Yeo Assistant Professor, Department of Politics Speaker Catholic University of America
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The road to the 18th Party Congress was contentious, leading to its delayed convocation. Nevertheless, the processes of generational turnover in China’s leadership at the Chinese Communist Party’s 18th National Congress extended patterns of formal politics that trace their roots to Deng Xiaoping’s political reforms of the 1980s, that advanced in the Jiang Zemin era in the 1990s, and that matured under outgoing General Secretary Hu Jintao in the 2000s.  As such, the transition in the party leadership at the 18th Congress marked another step forward in the institutionalization of Chinese leadership politics.

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Alice Lyman Miller is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution and teaches in the Departments of History and Political Science at Stanford. She is also a senior lecturer in the Department of National Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California.

Prior to coming to Stanford in 1999, Miller taught at the School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University in Washington, D.C. from 1980–2000. From 1974–90, Miller worked in the Central Intelligence Agency as a senior analyst in Chinese foreign policy and domestic politics, and branch and division chief, supervising analysis on China, North Korea, Indochina, and Soviet policy in East Asia. Miller has lived and worked in Taiwan, Japan, and the PRC, and she speaks Mandarin Chinese.

Miller's research focuses on foreign policy and domestic politics issues in China and on the international relations of East Asia. She is editor and contributor to the Hoover Institution’s China Leadership Monitor, which has since 2001 offered online authoritative assessments of trends in Chinese leadership politics to American policymakers and the general public. Miller has published extensively on policy issues dealing with China, including several articles and book chapters, as well as two books: Science and Dissent in Post-Mao China: The Politics of Knowledge (University of Washington Press, 1996), and, with Richard Wich, Becoming Asia: Change and Continuity in Asian International Relations Since World War II (Stanford University Press, 2011). She is currently working on a new book, tentatively entitled The Evolution of Chinese Grand Strategy, 1550–Present, that brings a historical perspective to bear on China's rise in the contemporary international order.

Miller graduated from Princeton University in 1966, receiving a B.A. in Oriental Studies. She earned an M.A. and a Ph.D. in history from George Washington University in 1969 and 1974.  Formerly H. Lyman Miller, she transitioned in 2006.

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Alice Miller Research Fellow Speaker Hoover Institution
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Abstract

Conviction is widespread and increasing in both the United States and China—as well as many other countries—that the U.S.–China relationship is becoming less stable and more dangerous. We do not agree. Relations between Beijing and Washington in 2013 are more extensive, more varied, more interdependent, and more important to one another as well as to the global system than at any time in the past. But suspicion and mutual distrust persist and may have intensified. Yet, despite dramatic changes in the international system and the need to manage fleeting as well as persistent problems, the United States and China have maintained strategic stability for four decades. The relationship is less fragile and volatile than many assert, with strategic stability the result of multiple factors that reinforce one another and limit the deleterious effects of developments threatening specific “pillars” that undergird the relationship. Complacency and failure to address misperceptions and mistrust, however, will have unfortunate consequences for both sides.

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The Washington Quarterly
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Thomas Fingar
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In an International Economy article, Daniel C. Sneider explores the troubling history of China-Japan tension. He concludes that China and Japan have every reason to pull back from
the brink of conflict—and most importantly, the United States serves a crucial role in reminding both nations of the need for peace and stability in this vital region. But the economics of the global supply chain cannot wipe away the cumulative effect of the “poisoned well” of a history of hostility. Japanese Premier Abe may wish to put the past aside and be, as he says, “forward looking.” But a failure to address the past is likely to lead to repeating it.

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The International Economy
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