Unresolved disputes over wartime aggression continue to plague relations between Japan and its neighbors, even as increasing economic and cultural interaction in Northeast Asia show no signs of abating. Can a meaningful and lasting reconciliation be achieved, more than six decades after World War II and given postwar Japan's history of neglecting Asian victims of past injustices? In answering this question, what has been described as Japan's "history problem" must be reconsidered from a broader, trans-Pacific perspective that includes the United States.

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Much of the debate over Japan's historical disputes with neighboring countries treat unresolved issues from World War II as an intra-Asian problem. In recent years, however, there is a growing view that the United States can hardly afford to stand outside these disputes, particularly since it was intimately involved in their formation immediately after the war. The U.S. was the undisputed leader of the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal, which failed to address Japanese war crimes against Asian victims. The U.S. also brokered the San Francisco Peace Treaty, which laid the legal framework to deter Asian victims from filing suits against the Japanese government and corporations for wartime grievances. The United States should address its responsibility in contributing to Japan's "history problem," while playing a constructive role in facilitating historical reconciliation in Northeast Asia.

Professor Gi-Wook Shin is the director of Shorenstein APARC; the Tong Yang, Korea Foundation, and Korea Stanford Alumni Chair of Korean Studies; the founding director of the Korean Studies Program; senior fellow at FSI; and professor of sociology at Stanford University. As a historical-comparative and political sociologist, his research has concentrated on areas of social movements, nationalism, development, and international relations. Dr. Shin has served as editor of the Journal of Korean Studies, a premier journal in the field of Korean studies.

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Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
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Gi-Wook Shin_0.jpg PhD

Gi-Wook Shin is the William J. Perry Professor of Contemporary Korea in the Department of Sociology, senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, and the founding director of the Korea Program at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) since 2001, all at Stanford University. In May 2024, Shin also launched the Taiwan Program at APARC. He served as director of APARC for two decades (2005-2025). As a historical-comparative and political sociologist, his research has concentrated on social movements, nationalism, development, democracy, migration, and international relations.

In Summer 2023, Shin launched the Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab (SNAPL), which is a new research initiative committed to addressing emergent social, cultural, economic, and political challenges in Asia. Across four research themes– “Talent Flows and Development,” “Nationalism and Racism,” “U.S.-Asia Relations,” and “Democratic Crisis and Reform”–the lab brings scholars and students to produce interdisciplinary, problem-oriented, policy-relevant, and comparative studies and publications. Shin’s latest book, The Four Talent Giants, a comparative study of talent strategies of Japan, Australia, China, and India to be published by Stanford University Press in the summer of 2025, is an outcome of SNAPL.

Shin is also the author/editor of twenty-seven books and numerous articles. His books include The Four Talent Giants: National Strategies for Human Resource Development Across Japan, Australia, China, and India (2025)Korean Democracy in Crisis: The Threat of Illiberalism, Populism, and Polarization (2022); The North Korean Conundrum: Balancing Human Rights and Nuclear Security (2021); Superficial Korea (2017); Divergent Memories: Opinion Leaders and the Asia-Pacific War (2016); Global Talent: Skilled Labor as Social Capital in Korea (2015); Criminality, Collaboration, and Reconciliation: Europe and Asia Confronts the Memory of World War II (2014); New Challenges for Maturing Democracies in Korea and Taiwan (2014); History Textbooks and the Wars in Asia: Divided Memories (2011); South Korean Social Movements: From Democracy to Civil Society (2011); One Alliance, Two Lenses: U.S.-Korea Relations in a New Era (2010); Cross Currents: Regionalism and Nationalism in Northeast Asia (2007);  and Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy (2006). Due to the wide popularity of his publications, many have been translated and distributed to Korean audiences. His articles have appeared in academic and policy journals, including American Journal of SociologyWorld DevelopmentComparative Studies in Society and HistoryPolitical Science QuarterlyJournal of Asian StudiesComparative EducationInternational SociologyNations and NationalismPacific AffairsAsian SurveyJournal of Democracy, and Foreign Affairs.

Shin is not only the recipient of numerous grants and fellowships, but also continues to actively raise funds for Korean/Asian studies at Stanford. He gives frequent lectures and seminars on topics ranging from Korean nationalism and politics to Korea's foreign relations, historical reconciliation in Northeast Asia, and talent strategies. He serves on councils and advisory boards in the United States and South Korea and promotes policy dialogue between the two allies. He regularly writes op-eds and gives interviews to the media in both Korean and English.

Before joining Stanford in 2001, Shin taught at the University of Iowa (1991-94) and the University of California, Los Angeles (1994-2001). After receiving his BA from Yonsei University in Korea, he was awarded his MA and PhD from the University of Washington in 1991.

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Gi-Wook Shin Tong Yang, Korea Foundation, and Korea Stanford Alumni Chair of Korean Studies Professor, Department of Sociology Director, The Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center Senior Fellow, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Speaker Stanford Univesrity
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In this third session of the Forum, former senior government officials and other leading experts from the United States and South Korea discussed current developments in North Korea and North Korea policy, the future of the U.S.-South Korean alliance, and a strategic vision for Northeast Asia.  The session was hosted by Sejong Institute, a top South Korean think tank, in association with Shorenstein APARC.

Grand Hyatt Hotel, Seoul, Korea

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Donald K. Emmerson
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Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political Islam was published by Stanford University Press in November 2009. But the story behind the book dates back five years to November 2004. It was then that Donald K. Emmerson and Daniel M. Varisco agreed to disagree.

Emmerson spoke on "Islamism: What Is to Be Said and Done?" (video link and discussion) at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC on 30 November 2009.

Varisco, a Hofstra University anthropologist with expertise on Islam and the Middle East, had invited Emmerson to join a panel on "Islam and Political Violence: The ‘Ismhouse' of Language" at the 2004 annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Association.

Emmerson was pleased to accept. Not since graduating from high school in Beirut had he lived in the Middle East. He had specialized instead on Indonesia, famously known as having more Muslims than any other country, yet spatially and spiritually peripheral to the Middle Eastern locations of Mecca, Medina, and the Al-Aqsa Mosque. Emmerson relished the chance to interact with experts whose knowledge of Muslim societies had been acquired mainly in Arab settings. He also shared Varisco's interest in discussing the controversial and contested meanings of the words "Islamism" and "Islamist." Since 9/11 these terms had become increasingly common in English-language discourse on Islam, Muslims, and violence by Muslims claiming to be acting in the name of their religion.

On the panel, before some two hundred MESA attendees, Varisco and Emmerson politely disagreed. Varisco argued that "Islamism" and "Islamist" were invidious terms that falsely linked Islam to terrorism. For the sake of consideration and accuracy, he said, they should not be used. Without advocating self-censorship, he defended his refusal to use "Islamism" or "Islamist" in his own writing and teaching.

"Inventing Islamism: The Violence of Rhetoric" is the title of Varisco's MESA paper as it appears in the book. "Why," he asks, "do we need a term that uniquely brands Muslims as terrorists rather than just calling them terrorists and militants, the way we could easily do for followers of any religion or any ideology? As scholars and students of religion, should we not be doing all we can to refute the notion that Islam is intrinsically more violent than other religions?" (Islamism, p. 33.)

Emmerson agreed with Varisco that the terms "Islamism" and "Islamist" were often used to conflate Islam, Muslims, and violence. But Emmerson argued that the words were not so uniformly and falsely invidious as to warrant their deletion. In his view, in addition to referencing radical views and acts, the terms usefully named a variety of mostly peaceful ways of expressing and advancing subjective interpretations of Islam in public life. Phrases such as "democratic Islamism" and "moderate Islamists," hr argued, were already fairly common in scholarship and the media. His chapter is entitled, accordingly, "Inclusive Islamism: The Utility of Diversity."

After the session at MESA, Varisco, Emmerson, and copanelist Richard C. Martin, an Islamic studies professor at Emory University, spoke of someday turning the discussion into a book. Busy with other projects, they postponed this one, but eventually took it up again as an experiment with an unusual format: As a neutral party, Martin (with the later addition of one of his graduate students, Abbas Barzegar) would edit the book, which would open with chapters by Emmerson and Varisco stating their views. Scholars of Islam from around the world would be invited to comment briefly on the dispute. More than a dozen experts in or from the Middle East, North Africa, North America, and Southeast Asia contributed remarks, which fill the middle of the book. Varisco and Emmerson end the volume with chapters that update and extend their respective arguments in response to each other's and the commentators' views.

An anonymous reviewer of the manuscript for Stanford University Press suggested that Islamism as a phenomenon was on the decline, implying that the relevance of Islamism would follow suit. In Emmerson's opinion, this may not happen soon. Juxtapositions of Islam, Muslims, and violence continue to occur in a range of Muslim-majority countries. At the same time, a great variety of Muslim leaders and organizations committed to peace, dialogue, and democracy continue to demonstrate the civility of Islam as they understand it. This rich spectrum of motives and associations will continue to challenge analysts around the world -- scholars, journalists, and policymakers alike.

Is Islam a religion of peace? War? Neither? Both? In the case of those Muslims who do carry out acts of violence or intolerance in the name of Islam, should their claims to have been motivated by religious imperatives be accepted as true, rejected as false, or bracketed as subjective? How considerate and how accurate is it to assert that any Muslim who engages in terrorism must not be a true Muslim? What is a "true Muslim"? By whose standards?

Is it appropriate to argue, with Emmerson, that to speak of "Islamic terrorism" wrongly and hurtfully implies that terrorism is intrinsic to Islam as a religion, whereas the notion of "Islamist terrorism" merely links such violence to one among many possible ways of interpreting Islam as an ideology? Or should these distinctions about words be ignored in favor of actions, including possible revisions of American policy, that can help to diminish the incidence of supposedly religious violence, whatever its actual nature may be?

In months and years to come, Muslims accused of having planned or committed violence against American targets will be judged in a series of civilian and military trials here in the United States. The defendants will likely include high-profile individuals such as Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, charged with plotting 9/11, and Nidal Malik Hassan, accused of the November 2009 rampage at Fort Hood. Some of the accused may admit responsibility for acts of violence and portray what they did as required by Islam. Some may accuse the US government of waging war against Islam. Some may claim innocence, or attribute what they did to personal reasons unrelated to religion. Stimulated by these proceedings, commentators on the Internet, in the press, and on talk shows can be expected to debate "Islamic terrorism" versus "Islamophobia."

Quite apart from whether fresh acts of terror occur, interest in the questions that Islamism features seems, at least to Emmerson, unlikely to decrease.

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Daniel C. Sneider: Since the Democratic Party of Japan won in the country's August national election, Japan watchers have worried that the new government might try to upset the status quo and ease away from the United States. The DPJ is implementing a new paradigm -- but not the one people think.

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David Straub, associate director of Korean Studies Program, told a Korea Foundation-organized seminar in Seoul that he sees "no indication that North Korea, in the foreseeable future, is prepared to give up its nuclear weapons programs on terms that the US will find politically acceptable." While supportive of Ambassador Bosworth's upcoming visit to Pyongyang, Straub, a former State Department Korean affairs director, noted that North Korea's recent words and deeds had left most American observers increasingly skeptical about North Korean intentions.
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Inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) return to the DPRK after a period of absence of more than four years, here the IAEA convenes a meeting in Vienna to discuss matters.
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China 2.0 at Stanford University, May 24-25, 2010

This two-day forum looks at the rise of China as a digital superpower.

May 2010 marks 15 years of China's first connection to the public Internet and 15 years of digital mobile communications. Home to 400 million online and 750 million mobile consumers, China is giving birth to innovative start-ups and established multi-billion dollar enterprises in social networking, games, video, music and e-commerce.

Companies thriving in China will increasingly shape the global digital economy, either by their sheer scale at home or through investments and mergers and acquisitions in the United States and other developed economies.

Join this invitation-only forum to meet with industry leaders from China and overseas to assess the likely future shape and implications of China's rise for consumers, industry players, investors, researchers and policy makers.

Conference Video Overviews 

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China 2.0 Introduction

Video: Tencent, Taobao and Baidu 

Enabling China's Mobile Market 

Chinese Digital Music Scene 

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TV & Online Video 

e-Commerce 

Online Games 

 
  MONDAY, MAY 24, 2010
8:30 - 9:00 Registration and Light Breakfast
9:00 - 9:15 Session 1--Welcome Remarks and Introductory Presentation
  Marguerite Gong Hancock, Forum Co-Chair/Associate Director, SPRIE, Stanford University
  Duncan Clark, Forum Co-Chair/Chairman, BDA China; Visiting Scholar, SPRIE, Stanford University
9:15 - 10:00 Session 2--Case Studies of China 2.0 Leaders: Tencent, Taobao & Baidu
  Duncan Clark & Liu Ning, BDA China Presentation
  Moderator: Gady Epstein, Beijing Bureau Chief, Forbes
10:00 - 10:45 Special Session--Reporting China 2.0
  Loretta Chao, Reporter, Beijing Bureau, The Wall Street Journal
  Gady Epstein, Beijing Bureau Chief, Forbes
  Moderator: Daniel Sneider, Associate Director for Research, Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, Stanford University
11:00 - 12:15 Session 3--Enabling China 2.0: Infrastructure, Devices and Access
  Håkan Eriksson, CTO, Ericsson presentation
  Stanley Chia, Senior Technology Consultant, Vodafone Group R&D
  Moderator: Duncan Clark, Forum Co-Chair/Chairman, BDA China; Visiting Scholar, SPRIE, Stanford University
12.15 - 1.15 Lunch
1.15 - 2.15 Session 4--Digital Music in China
  Gary Chen, CEO, Top100.cn presentation
  Eric Priest, Assistant Professor, University of Oregon presentation
  Moderator: Loretta Chao, Reporter, Beijing Bureau, The Wall Street Journal
2.15 - 3.45 Session 5--China's Future TV Landscape
  Graham Kill, CEO, Irdeto presentation
  Caroline Pan, Director-China Strategy Office, Intel presentation
  David Strehlow, Director of Marketing, Media Solutions, Huawei
  Moderator: Andrew Lih, Associate Professor, USC Annenberg School of Communication and Journalism
3.45 - 4.00 Break
4.00 - 5.30 Session 6--e-Commerce in China
  James Jianzhang Liang, Co-Founder and Chairman, Ctrip
  Alan Tien, General Manager, PayPal Beibao China
  Fritz Demopoulos, CEO, Qunar.com
  Moderator: Mei Fong, Wall Street Journal Correspondent & Visiting Professor, USC Annenberg School of Communication & Journalism
5.30 - 6.30 Networking Reception
  TUESDAY, MAY 25, 2010
8:30 - 9:00 Registration and Light Breakfast
9.00 - 10.30 Session 7--Online & Mobile Games
  Jason Wang, Partner, Cypress River Advisors, LLC
  Ben Sternberg, Executive Director, Raine Group
  Lisa Cosmas Hanson, Managing Partner & Founder, Niko Partners
  Liu Ning, Principal Analyst - New Media, BDA China
  Moderator: Loretta Chao, Reporter, Beijing Bureau, The Wall Street Journal
10.45 - 12.15 Session 8--Financing China 2.0: VC & IPO Outlook
  York Chen, Founding Managing Partner, iDTechVentures presentation
  Olivier Glauser, Managing Director, Steamboat Ventures presentation
  Richard Hsu, Managing Director, Intel Capital China presentation
  David Lam, Managing Director, WI Harper Group presentation
  Moderator: Martin Haemmig, Senior Advisor on Venture Capital, Stanford Program on Regions of Innovation and Entrepreneurship
12.15 - 1.15 Lunch
1.15-2:45 Session 9--How Can Global Firms Thrive In & With China
  Alan Tien, General Manager, PayPal Bei Bao China
  Graham Kill, CEO, Irdeto
  Carter Agar, Former VP, GM, Walt Disney Internet Group (China), VP, Altius Education
  Jason Wang, Partner, Cypress River Advisors, LLC
  Moderator: Gady Epstein, Beijing Bureau Chief, Forbes
3:00 - 4:30 Session 10--China 2.0 Firms: The Talent Dimension
  Mark Baldwin, CEO, Oxus and Founder, Zhaopin.com
  Kelly Sang, former General Manager, Alibaba.com Americas
  David Strehlow, Director of Marketing, Media Solutions, Huawei
  Moderator: Kyung H. Yoon, CEO, Talent Age Associates LLC
4:30 - 4:45 Wrap-up

Audience 

Media & tech executives, entrepreneurs, academics and researchers, venture capitalists/private equity investors, policymakers.

Format 

  • Presentations by the on-the-ground pioneers of China 2.0 
  • Roundtable discussions on key issues and emerging trends
  • Premiere of "vox pop" video interviews of Chinese Internet users filmed in Beijing, Chengdu, Nanjing, Wuhan, Xiamen and Xi'an
  • Conference highlights to be available online (subject to speaker approval)
  • Interactive event, including a mobile application custom-made for participants

Participation and Pricing

Participation is by invitation-only. For more information, please contact SPRIE by email at sprie-stanford@stanford.edu.

The USD $50 fee covers conference sessions and materials, continental breakfast, lunch, and refreshments. A limited number of free spaces are available for current Stanford faculty, students and staff.

Agenda (subject to change)

Map and parking:

The conference is being held in the Bechtel Conference Center, located at 616 Serra Street on the first floor of Encina Hall. Free event parking is available at the Galvez Field Event Parking Lot, located at Galvez and Campus Drive East. It is less than .5 mile from the parking lot to the event. If you park at a meter, be aware that parking is $1.50/hour and is monitored from 8:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m.

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Matthew Augustine
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We are pleased to bring you the second dispatch of the year in our series of Shorenstein APARC Dispatches. This month's piece, "Forced Labor Redress in Japan and the United States" comes from Matt Augustine, the Northeast Asian History Fellow for 2009-10 at Shorenstein APARC.

Last month, on October 23, the Nishimatsu Construction Company reached an agreement in the Tokyo Summary Court to set up a trust fund for Chinese who had been forced into labor in Japan during World War II. According to the Asahi Shimbun, the trust fund—worth ¥250 million—will compensate 360 Chinese citizens who were compelled to work at a hydroelectric power plant in Hiroshima Prefecture. Under the terms of the summary settlement, Nishimatsu acknowledged that these Chinese workers were forcibly brought to Japan and apologized for their suffering.This outcome was both overdue and unexpected, particularly since Japan's Supreme Court in 2007 rejected the original lawsuit that five Chinese plaintiffs brought against the construction company in 1998.  Nishimatsu officials maintain that they want to set a new precedent for "social responsibility" in the wake of the corporation's recent scandal involving political donations.  The timing of Nishimatsu's decision coincides with the rise of the new Hatoyama administration, which has promised to improve Japan's relations with China and other Asian neighbors.

Former forced laborers and their bereaved families have pursued litigation against the Japanese government and the corporations that employed them, not only in Japan but also in the United States. The Hayden Bill, which passed the California State Senate in July 1999, opened the door for Chinese and Korean victims to sue Japanese corporations and demand compensation for their hard labor in inhumane working conditions. Although the U.S. Supreme Court thus far has rejected such cases, the unresolved issue of Asian forced labor redress has now been introduced into the U.S. legal system, indicating that the United States has become involved in Japan’s historical disputes.

In fact, the United States was intimately involved in the issue of Asian forced laborers during the Allied Occupation of Japan between 1945 and 1952. U.S. Occupation forces initially attempted to retain Korean coal miners until Japanese repatriates replaced them, but riots in Hokkaido and elsewhere forced authorities to abandon this policy in November 1945. Responding to strong Korean demands, in May 1946 a military government team in Hokkaido gathered over ¥3 million worth of wages, bonuses, and death benefits owed to Korean miners. This amount was but a small fraction of the more than ¥215 million that corporations throughout Japan deposited into an account at the Bank of Japan by 1948. Occupation authorities made several unsuccessful attempts to persuade unwilling Japanese officials to pay back the financial assets owed to Koreans, while U.S. policy gradually changed to oppose reparations demands against Japan. Article 14(b) of the American-drafted San Francisco Peace Treaty signed in September 1951 waived all reparations claims, and the unpaid wage deposits of forced laborers remained a well-kept secret of the Japanese government.

When former forced laborers from South Korea and China began appearing in Japanese courts in the 1990s, their lawsuits helped to clarify the historical record of wartime abuse and postwar cover-up. Lawyers, journalists, and researchers supporting the redress movement dug up hidden official documents, such as the voluminous reports by the Foreign Ministry on Chinese forced labor and by the Welfare Ministry on the unpaid financial deposits of Korean laborers, both compiled in 1946. Although the Japanese government refuses to make such ministry reports public, the Tokyo High Court in 2005 confirmed that the state continues to hold the ¥215 million deposits, which have never been disbursed. While Japanese records remain largely closed, declassified American records can help to answer important questions, including how closely the United States was involved in the process of postwar Japan’s forgetting and neglecting Asian victims of forced labor.

An Asahi Shimbun editorial on October 24, 2009 admonished the Japanese state to take action in the wake of Nishimatsu settlement, since other corporations facing litigation have vowed not to pay reparations unless the government becomes involved. The new Hatoyama administration should first make an unambiguous apology, the editorial contends, then propose a new framework whereby the government and corporations can establish a joint trust fund to compensate former forced laborers and bereaved families. The United States can support this reconciliation process by revisiting the unresolved issue of forced labor—which also included Allied POWs—and reinterpreting the San Francisco Peace Treaty to enable these victims to file legal claims in American and international courts. Proactive U.S. involvement at the government level should also be matched by an enhanced effort toward nongovernmental cooperation between researchers in the United States and Northeast Asia. Shorenstein APARC has been contributing to this effort through its Divided Memories and Reconciliation research project, now in its third year. The Center will also host a colloquium series titled “The American Role in Northeast Asian Reconciliation” during the 2010 winter quarter.

 

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Shorenstein APARC Dispatches are regular bulletins designed exclusively for our friends and supporters. Written by center faculty and scholars, Shorenstein APARC Dispatches deliver timely, succinct analysis on current events and trends in Asia, often discussing their potential implications for business.

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The Asia Society has organized a Task Force on U.S. Policy toward Burma/Myanmar, co-chaired by retired U.S. Army General Wesley Clark and Holsman International Chair (and former USAID Administrator) Henrietta H. Fore.  The panel comprises a dozen or so individuals from various occupations and backgrounds, including SEAF's director, Donald K. Emmerson.  Assisting the Task Force is an also diverse Advisory Group of some thirty experts in Southeast Asian and other countries.  The Asia Society expects to release the Task Force's final report early in 2010.  

The timing of the study is of interest in view of the Obama administration’s willingness to meet with Myanmar’s rulers. 

America’s top diplomat on Asia is Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell.  Deputy Assistant Secretary Scot Marciel covers Southeast Asian and ASEAN affairs.  In early November 2009 the two men traveled to Myanmar.  There they met not only with the iconic opposition figure and Nobel Prize winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, but also with Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein.  The latter meeting was the highest-level contact between the two governments since 1995.  An even higher-level meeting was being planned for later in November at a US-ASEAN summit in Singapore, which would bring President Obama face to face with Myanmar’s head of state, Senior General Than Shwe.

Further enhancing the timeliness of the Task Force’s work is the announced prospect of national elections in Myanmar in 2010.  No independent observers expect the exercise to bring about anything resembling liberal democracy.  But some hold out hope that the balloting could yield a marginally more representative and accountable system. 

In early November 2009 it remained to be seen whether the current shifting of American policy toward dealing directly with the Burmese junta would prove effective in nudging its leaders toward political reform, or not. 

The Task Force’s report, scheduled for release early in 2010, should at least provide food for policymaking thought, as U.S. officials continue to review what has been and could be done with regard to a regime that has so far resisted both isolation and engagement.

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Few topics provoke more heated debate than globalization. Globalization is considered essential for companies that want to survive in today's economy, but it is also blamed for job losses and the economic decline of the United States. Executives say they hire from abroad because of deficiencies in the U.S. workforce and skills shortages, while worker advocacy groups say it is all about cheap labor.

Wadhwa will discuss how the contentious public debates on globalization and outsourcing commonly use data that isn't grounded in reality. He will show why globalization and outsourcing are the new reality and how this trend will continue to build even more momentum. Finally, Wadhwa will provide concrete advice and ideas on how the United States can regain its edge in the global economy by understanding the new reality and focusing on its strengths such as entrepreneurship and innovation. By effectively harnessing its highly educated and skilled workforce, and balancing immigrant intellectual capital, the United States can continue to be the winner rather than the victim of globalization.

Vivek Wadhwa, currently a visiting scholar at UC-Berkeley, is a senior research associate with the Labor and Worklife Program at Harvard Law School and an executive in residence/adjunct professor at the Pratt School of Engineering at Duke University. He helps students prepare for the real world, lectures in class and leads groundbreaking research projects. He advises several start-up companies, writes a column for BusinessWeek.com and contributes to several international publications. Since joining Duke in 2005, he has researched globalization, its impact on the engineering profession and the sources of the United States' competitive advantage. Mr. Wadhwa holds an MBA from New York University and a BA in Computing Studies from the Canberra University in Australia.

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Vivek Wadhwa Senior Research Associate Speaker Labor and Worklife Program, Harvard Law School
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