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Speaker Bio:

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The 12th and 13th President (2008-2016) of the Republic of China (Taiwan)                          

Ma Ying-jeou was born in 1950 in Hong Kong, and emigrated in 1951 with his family to Taiwan, where he grew up. He graduated from National Taiwan University’s Department of Law in 1972, then served in the Marines and Navy for two years before earning an LL.M from New York University (1976) and an S.J.D. from Harvard University (1981). Dr. Ma began his political career as the deputy director of the Presidential Office’s First Bureau, and doubled as President Chiang Ching-kuo’s personal English interpreter. After President Chiang passed away in 1988, he held a series of other positions in government, including the Chairman of the Research, Evaluation, and Development Commission, Senior Vice Chairman of the Mainland Affairs Council, and Minister of Justice. In 1998, he was elected mayor of Taipei, an office he held until 2006. In 2008, he was elected President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) with 58% of the vote, the highest in history, and he was re-elected in 2012. 

During President Ma’s two terms in office, Taiwan’s per-capita GDP (on a PPP basis) rose from US$34,936 to $48,095, passing the U.K., France, Denmark, Italy, Canada, Japan, and South Korea and advancing 10 places in eight years. Taiwan was able to maintain peaceful relations with the Chinese mainland, friendly relations with Japan, and close relations with the United States; relations with all three countries were the best they had been in many decades. In November 2015, President Ma met with the mainland Chinese leader Xi Jinping in Singapore, the first face-to-face meeting between leaders of the two sides in 70 years. President Ma left office on May 20, 2016.    

Traitel Building, Hauck Auditorium

Ma Ying-jeou Former President of the Republic of China (Taiwan)
Panel Discussions
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Hate propaganda has been a feature of politics in India, Indonesia, and other Asian democracies long before the recent surge in interest in so-called “fake news” and intolerant populism in the West. This presentation dissects the political strategy of “hate spin,” which includes not only the use of hate speech or incitement, but also the creative manufacture of righteous indignation and popular mobilization framed as responses to victimhood. Examples include the “love jihad” conspiracy theory in India and blasphemy allegations in Indonesia, which have been used to devastating effect by religious nationalists. Existing religious-offense laws have backfired, while incitement laws, though necessary, are systemically incapable of dealing with hate propagandists’ highly sophisticated and distributed disinformation campaigns.  The speaker's book on this topic, Hate Spin, will be available for sale at his talk.

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Cherian George is a professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University. He is the author of Hate Spin: The Manufacture of Religious Offense and its Threat to Democracy (2016), which was named on Publishers Weekly’s list of the 100 best books of 2016. Prof. George’s PhD is from Stanford University’s Department of Communication (2003). He was previously a journalist with The Straits Times in his native Singapore. His latest book on Singapore is the self-published Singapore, Incomplete: Reflections on a First World Nation’s Arrested Political Development (2017).

Cherian George Professor of Media Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University
Seminars
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No longer "estranged democracies," relations between the United States and India have been on a steady upward trajectory in recent years, though at times have fallen short of the lofty expectations set by others.  As we look ahead, the significance of a true U.S.-India security and economic partnership is just now coming into focus, and it is clear the potential is enormous.  Indeed, the positive ripple effects of a convergence between the world's two largest democracies would reverberate across Asia.  This opportunity, however, comes amid uncertain times in Asia.  China's march for primacy continues. Dangers from nuclear proliferation and rogue regimes loom large. The fractionalization of states and humanitarian crises are all too common.  We must then ask – what role can the United States and India play together to promote peace and stability, uphold and reinforce the post-World War II order, and shape and build new institutions across Asia and beyond? These are some of the questions Ambassador Verma will tackle in his remarks, while also providing historical context on the issues that have limited U.S.-India ties to-date. He will also provide insight on the future trajectory of the relationship, looking at how the United States and India -- two non-allies -- can work together to promote peace, economic growth, and democratic values during these uncertain times.

 

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Richard Verma is Vice Chairman and Partner at The Asia Group.  He previously served as the U.S. Ambassador to India from 2014 to 2017, where he led one of the largest U.S. diplomatic missions and championed historic progress in bilateral cooperation on defense, trade, and clean energy. Ambassador Verma also oversaw an unprecedented nine meetings between President Obama and Prime Minister Modi – leading to over 100 new initiatives and more than 40 government-to-government dialogues.

Ambassador Verma was previously the Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs, and also served for many years as the Senior National Security Advisor to the Senate Majority Leader.  He was a member of the WMD and Terrorism Commission and a co-author of their landmark report, “World at Risk.” He is a veteran of the U.S. Air Force, and his military decorations include the Meritorious Service Medal and Air Force Commendation Medal.

In addition to his role at The Asia Group, Ambassador Verma is a Centennial Fellow at Georgetown University’s Walsh School of Foreign Service, and he co-chairs the Center for American Progress’ U.S.-India Task Force.  Ambassador Verma is the recipient of the State Department’s Distinguished Service Award, the Council on Foreign Relations International Affairs Fellowship, and was ranked by India Abroad as one of the 50 most influential Indian Americans. He holds degrees from the Georgetown University Law Center (LLM), American University’s Washington College of Law (JD), and Lehigh University (BS).

This colloquia is co-sponsored with the Stanford Center for South Asia

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Richard Verma Vice Chair and Partner, The Asia Group, Former U.S. Ambassador to India (2014-2017)
Seminars
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The event is jointly sponsored by the Japan Program at the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center and the Japan Foundation Center for Global Partnership.

 

Japan is one of the world’s most prominent military space powers around. With the inescapable ambiguity of dual-use, Japan has acquired its impressive capabilities in full view of a pacifist public and under constitutional constraints. At this stage, as the country races to keep abreast of the latest space technology trends, its national security trajectories are openly and officially sanctioned in both law and policy. These realities are not well understood by Japan’s allies or rivals, which limits our appreciation about where Japan is headed in its own national interest in the region, the world, and beyond.  

 

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Saadia M. Pekkanen works on outer space security, law, and policy. Her regional expertise is in the international relations of Japan/Asia. She earned Master’s degrees from Columbia University and Yale Law School, and a doctorate from Harvard University in political science. She holds the Job and Gertrud Tamaki Professorship at the University of Washington (UW). She has published a half-dozen books on space technology and geopolitics, and is working now on The Age of Newspace. She serves as Co-Chair of the U.S. Japan Space Forum, directs both the Space Security Initiative (SSI) and the project on Emerging Frontiers in Space at UW, and is the founding co-director of the Space Policy and Research Center (SPARC) at UW. She is passionate about contributing to the educational ecosystem for fostering the space sector through bridge-the-gap activities, and is a member of the Washington State Space Coalition (WSSC). She is also a contributor for Forbes on the space industry (https://www.forbes.com/sites/saadiampekkanen/#5897783f7d3f).

Saadia Pekkanen, Professor, University of Washington
Seminars
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The event is jointly sponsored by the Japan Program at the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center and the Japan Foundation Center for Global Partnership.
 
 
Since Frey and Osborne showed that 47% of US job would be substituted by AI, the penetration of AI into labor markets has been discussed in every country. In Japan, Benjamin David estimates 55% of jobs will vanish by the introduction of AI. However, these estimates are based only on the technological upper bound. We have to condifer of the economic mechanism behind it, especially the specificity of Japanese labor markets. In this seminar, I will summrize the characteristics of Japanese labor markets from the view point of task distribution, which reflects the technological aspect of them. Then, comparing with US data, I will discuss the role of economic institutions/circumstances and the future direction.
 
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Ryo Kambayashi is a Professor at Institute of Economic Research, Hitotsubashi University in Japan.  His field of research include labor economics, Japanese economy, economic history, and law and economics.  Based on the methodology of standard labor economics, Kambayashi's research interest is centered on the empirical investigations on the economic mechanism of current Japanese labor markets. Through several papers on wage and employment, he has found that the current transition of Japanese labor markets since 1990s has two aspects; that is, the changing part where so called non-standard workers have rapidly increased and the unchanged part where so called Japanese Employment System remains firmly. This disparity in labor markets does not come from the legal assignment surrounding the labor markets but from a spontaneous evolution, just because the Japanese Labor Law has strongly respected the mutual agreement between workers and employer which can officially create exemptions from legal regulations. Then, I am expanding my research agenda into the associations of labor markets with other parts of Japanese economy, such as trade, productivity, self-employment, to understand the whole of Japanese society. I am also gradually expanding the research into historical developments of institutions to find the evidence of spontaneous evolution of labor market institutions, e.g. the network of public employment agency was constructed by absorbing those of private agencies.  Kambayashi holds a PhD, an MA, and a BA in economics, all from University of Tokyo. 
Ryo Kambayashi, Professor, Institute of Economic Research, Hitotsubashi University
Seminars
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Co-sponsored by the Asia Health Policy Program and the Southeast Asia Program

Achieving universal health coverage is one of the UN's Social Development Goals. The four countries in the lower Mekong region, Thailand, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, have made good progress on the expansion of health insurance coverage. However, the statistics on how many people are covered and protected could be misleading, especially for vulnerable populations more likely to be left out. Using data from national surveys, a cross-country analysis shows the situation regarding health service access and health care payments among vulnerable populations in the four countries. Conditions and trends in health care utilization, and health payments and their impact on vulnerable populations will be reviewed and linked to policy implications. Pitfalls and successes in a region marked by diversity and unequal opportunity will also be explored.

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Dr. Piya Hanvoravongchai teaches health systems and health economics at Chulalongkorn University in Thailand. He is also a co-director of the Equity Initiative in Southeast Asia and a member of the Strategic Technical Advisory Committee of the Asia Pacific Observatory on Health Systems and Policies.

Piya Hanvoravongchai Faculty of Medicine, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok
Seminars
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The event is jointly sponsored by the Japan Program at the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center and the Japan Foundation Center for Global Partnership.

 

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Through previously unexamined data from Japan, Professor Robert Dekle presents results from a preliminary study shoing the impact of robotics on Japanese labor between 1980 and 2012.

Robert Dekle is a Professor at the Department of Economics, University of Southern California. His field of research include international finance, open-economy and development, macroeconomics and the economies of Japan and East Asia.    He obtained his Ph.D in economics at Yale University and B.A in economics at the University of California, Berkeley. 

Robert Dekle, Professor of Economics, University of Southern California
Seminars
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In a flurry of developments that left experts stunned, the long-stalled Korean peace train has suddenly left the station. Sitting in the locomotive is the engineer of these events, North Korea’s young leader, Kim Jong Un.

Where is the peace train headed? No one really knows. It can easily be derailed. And it could lead not to peace, but to war, writes Sneider.

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Shorenstein APARC's annual overview for academic year 2016-17, "Uncertain Times," is now available.

Download it below for information on major Center events of the the past academic year, like the tenth anniversaries of the China Program and the Asia Health Policy Program, faculty engagement about the new administrations in South Korea and the United States, the Japan Program's "Womenomics" conference, and the latest Shorenstein Journalism Award winner, Ian Johnson.

The report also details what all Shorenstein APARC programs have been working on, plus provides news about current research, publishing, and outlook activities at the Center.

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The migration of highly-skilled professionals from their home countries—a phenomenon known as brain drain—poses pressing challenges for less-developed countries. Some experts even question whether it is wise to invest in higher education in these countries, as the educated students and professionals may permanently leave for better opportunities elsewhere. Could brain drain, however, have a silver lining? What should less-developed countries do to be competitive in the war for global talent?

Professor Gi-Wook Shin, Director of the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) and Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, has co-published a working paper, “From Brain Drain to Brain Circulation and Linkage,” that examines these questions, drawing on case studies in Asia. In the following conversation, Shin sits down with Noa Ronkin, APARC’s associate director for communications and external relations, to explain his findings and their policy implications.

Why did you decide to study brain drain and the factors that motivate high-skilled professionals from less-developed countries to return to or engage with their home countries?

My research interest in this subject stems from my own personal experience. I was born, raised, and educated up to college in South Korea. When I left to attend graduate school in the United States, I had every intention to return to South Korea, yet I am still here. Am I a case of brain drain for South Korea? From a conventional perspective, the answer is yes. If, however, we examine the question from a different perspective, in the context of globalization and increasing human mobility, then the answer may not be so clear cut.

The research project that my co-author, Professor Rennie Moon and I discuss in this particular paper started when the Asia Development Bank (ADB) asked me to look at evidence for the development benefit of high-skilled, Asian migrant professionals to their home countries. International development agencies such as ADB are facing challenges to their efforts to build colleges in developing countries from experts who are concerned that such higher education aid may lead to a brain drain and who argue that it is better to invest in K-12 schools. Our study, however, paints a more complex picture of brain drain.

You claim that there is an upside to brain drain: that migration of high-skilled professionals can, in fact, have social and economic benefits for the home countries. Could you explain your argument?

Despite efforts to bring talent back home, some people will choose to remain in the host country after education. In the past, this was considered straightforward brain drain. However, such students and emigrants who gain footing in the host country may engage with their home countries through business visits or even short-term stays, if not returning permanently. We call these types of home-host interactions brain linkage. Engaged, high-skilled migrants who create such bridging between the host and home countries significantly enhance the social and economic fabric of the developing home countries.

In considering brain linkage, we must shift from a view that regards labor primarily as human capital to a new model of labor as social capital. This is a topic I elaborated on in my recent book, Global Talent: Skilled Labor as Social Capital in Korea, that I co-authored with Professor Joon-Nak Choi. When educated professionals permanently leave their home countries, it is true that those countries lose the totality of education, skills, and experience embodied by these individuals. But when they stay engaged with the home countries, these countries gain from the productive capacity embodied in the ties and networks linking many individuals and organizations. Social capital provides less tangible but equally important benefits, such as enhanced trust and cooperation, information sharing, and improved access to innovations. Therefore, in a global market economy, given the importance of transnational social capital, developing countries should focus less on preventing brain drain and more on encouraging brain circulation—that is, permanent return migration of young people sent for education abroad—and brain linkage

What did you find in your research that supports this argument?

We looked at empirical cases and policies in Asia that demonstrate that high-skilled migrant professionals actually make significant contributions to their home countries, beyond monetary remittances.

Taiwan, for example, has experienced significant brain circulation: in the late 1980s, many U.S.-educated Taiwanese engineers began to return home, through active government recruitment and opportunities created by the development of the semiconductor and electronics industries. Returnees became important investors and entrepreneurs, particularly in the design sector. Brain linkages also became important as a growing cohort of highly mobile Taiwan-born, U.S.-educated engineers began to work in the United States and Taiwan, regularly commuting across the Pacific, although they did not return permanently.

Or consider India, which is now the second-largest provider of international students to the United States after China. As in China and Taiwan, strong government development initiatives and waves of liberalization of regulations helped promote brain circulation. The significant role of Indian returnees in building the Indian information technology industry since the 1990s is well documented. India’s highly skilled diaspora also played an especially active role in establishing formal networks that promoted brain linkages.

That is why developing countries must continue to invest in higher education. Unless there is a critical mass of educated professionals in the home country, brain circulation and linkage would not be possible.

What are some of the policy recommendations that you make based on your findings?

Certainly there is a risk of brain drain for developing countries, but the alternative is isolating themselves from the world in an attempt to keep all their talent at home. The key question for developing countries is not how to prevent talented people from leaving for better opportunities, but how to convert a possible brain drain into brain circulation or brain linkage.

Developing countries should not be afraid of risking the loss of their talent; ironically, you have to lose before gaining. Let young people go and get their education and training, but identify the economic and social factors that are important in attracting or motivating migrant high-skilled professionals to return or engage with their home country, then design initiatives to cultivate talent for national development by implementing brain circulation and brain linkage policies. The focus should be on how to attract those people to engage, not how to prevent them from leaving. In our paper, we discuss permanent and temporary return programs, as well as diaspora engagement policies.

We also suggest that future research should include conducting more comprehensive studies that map talent flows in the Asia-Pacific region using a transnational social capital framework. Such research, as in our current study, has broad applications, for, ultimately, whoever wins the war for talent will prevail.

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