Security

FSI scholars produce research aimed at creating a safer world and examing the consequences of security policies on institutions and society. They look at longstanding issues including nuclear nonproliferation and the conflicts between countries like North and South Korea. But their research also examines new and emerging areas that transcend traditional borders – the drug war in Mexico and expanding terrorism networks. FSI researchers look at the changing methods of warfare with a focus on biosecurity and nuclear risk. They tackle cybersecurity with an eye toward privacy concerns and explore the implications of new actors like hackers.

Along with the changing face of conflict, terrorism and crime, FSI researchers study food security. They tackle the global problems of hunger, poverty and environmental degradation by generating knowledge and policy-relevant solutions. 

The South Korean film industry has, in the past few years, achieved astonishing popularity domestically and internationally. This year, for the first time, we are pleased to provide a rare opportunity for the Stanford community and the bay area to enjoy a wide array of recent Korean films and to discuss the films with their directors. Three of these films will be shown here on campus. The details of the campus viewings are below. For more information about the entire festival, please visit http://www.mykima.org/.

Murder, Take One Thursday, Feb. 9, 7 - 9 p.m. Free and open to the public.

Duelist Friday, Feb. 10, 7 - 9 p.m. Free and open to the public.

Following the screening of the film, the director, Myung-Se Lee will be available for questions from the audience.

TaeGukGi: The Brotherhood of War Saturday, Feb. 11, 5 - 7:30 p.m. Free and open to the public.

Following the screening of the film, the director, Je-Gyu Kang will be available for questions from the audience.

Please join us for an academic symposium "Globalization & Contemporary Korean Cinema" on Friday, February 10 from 3 - 5 p.m. in the Okimoto Conference Room on the third floor of Encina Hall. Free and open to the public.

Panelists: Young-Lan Lee (Assoc. Prof. Kyung Hee University)

Hyangjin Lee (Senior Lecturer, Sheffield University)

Jenny Kwok Wah Lau (Assoc. Prof. San Francisco State University)

Aaron Magnan-Park (Asst. Prof. University of Notre Dame)

Kyu-Hyun Kim (University of California, Davis)

Moderator: Chul Heo and Aaron Kerner (San Francisco State University)

Korean films have emerged as a unique and influential player in international cinema. Current Korean cinema has combined Hollywood and more traditionally Asian aesthetics in ways that make it well suited for the global film market. This academic seminar will discuss the political, cultural, social, and economic implications of these recent developments for both Korea and international cultural sectors.

The joint Korean-American Film Festival "Korea Studies in Media Arts" is co-presented by Stanford University, San Francisco State University, University of Notre Dame, and University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

Cubberly Auditorium and
the Okimoto Conference Room
Encina Hall, third floor, east wing

Conferences
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Ten years ago, in the summer of 1995, it was fashionable in Washington and Seoul to predict the imminent collapse of North Korea's political and economic systems, and even the state itself. While clearly an errant forecast, it is easy to see why pundits and analysts thought as they did. Kim Il-Sung had died. Kim's son and successor, Kim Jong-Il, was failing to lead just as the country suffered a massive agricultural failure. A nuclear-weapons dispute with the United States had forced a costly full-scale mobilization of the country's million-man army. It was likewise clear that North Korea's industry had shut down; night imagery of the peninsula showed, quite literally, that the lights were out in North Korea.

Ten years on, this volume aims to rectify misconceptions and increase collective understanding about North Korea. It is intended to present a snapshot of what is happening in North Korea now -- economically, politically, and socially. To be sure, much of the country remains in shadow, and there is much we still do not know. Moreover, issues of North Korean nonproliferation are so often binary that compromise becomes difficult, if not impossible.

The distinguished contributors -- specialists in politics, economics, human rights, and security -- advocate a subtler, more multidimensional approach to the North Korea problem. Offering cautionary perspective on this poorly understood place, they highlight recent positive developments and suggest solutions to seemingly intractable problems. Most attest that economics, commerce, and integration -- all arenas in which slow progress is being made -- may be the most powerful forces for change on the Korean peninsula. This timely book encourages thoughtful, pragmatic discussion about North Korea and seeks to light the road ahead, for the Korean Peninsula and beyond.

(This book is now out of print. You may download the full text here.)

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Philip Yun
Gi-Wook Shin
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One of the few ways to get a taste of North Korea, short of leaping through numerous hoops to get a visa to visit the country, is to eat cold noodles (naengmyen). Most South Korean cities and even a few American ones offer several types of North Korean-style noodle restaurants. The version often prepared in Pyongyang, North Korea's capital, is mul naengmyen, or cold noodles in broth. It is served in a large metal bowl and looks like a flowering mountain rising up from the sea. Artfully balanced atop the mound of noodles made from buckwheat flour are julienned cucumbers, several slices of beef, half a hardboiled egg, and a few pieces of crisp Korean pear. When prepared Hamhung-style -- named after the industrial city on North Korea's east coast -- noodles are made from sweet potato flour and often topped with raw skate, which has a slightly ammoniac flavor.

The signs in the South advertising Northern-style cold noodles are a reminder of the Korean War and the division of the peninsula. After the Korean War, refugees from the conflict set up stalls in the markets of Seoul to sell the "taste of the north" to those who could no longer travel there. The recipes they brought with them to the south were sometimes the only valuables they carried. In the 1990s, a new wave of North Koreans came to the South and established naengmyen restaurants. Hailing from the North lends a certain authenticity to the preparation of the dish. Whether prepared by the refugees of the 1950s and their descendents, the defectors of the 1990s, or North Koreans themselves in Pyongyang or Hamhung, cold noodles are something that North Koreans are widely credited with doing better than South Koreans.

But the way naengmyen is "consumed" in the South reveals the great disparity between the two countries. There are many jokes in South Korea about the number of North Korean defectors who have only this one marketable skill. Since cooking in Korea is largely a woman's job, the close association of North Koreans with the production and sale of cold noodles subtly feminizes and, according to patriarchal Korean values, devalues them. North Koreans are thus second-class citizens, both those who are unemployed (the majority) and those who are employed only to provide service to the real "breadwinners" of the country. Anthropologist Roy Richard Grinker relates how South Korean textbooks and popular culture often depict North Korea as the younger brother of the more advanced South Korean older brother. Given the cultural associations of naengmyen, wife to husband might be the more appropriate analogy. A recent Joongang Ilbo Photoshop cartoon reinforces this sexist gloss on inter-Korean relations by depicting South Korean President Roh Moo Hyun dressed as a Choson-era husband with North Korean leader Kim Jong Il as his bride.

In a divided country, cold noodles serve as an important reminder of a common culture. They also represent a unique contribution that the economically weaker North Korea can bring to the reunification process. But however tasty Pyongyang-style mul naengmyen may be, cold noodles ensure neither a sustainable livelihood for every North Korean defector nor an equal place at the reunification table for North Korea.

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This paper concerns the paradox of democratization in South Korea, whose progression has been entwined with neoliberal capitalism beginning in the 1990s. A particular form of democratization addressed in this paper is the broad-reaching initiatives to transform the relationship between the state and society. Specifically, the initiative to rewrite colonial and cold-war history was examined. This particular initiative is part of an effort to correct a longstanding tendency of previous military regimes that suppressed the resolution of colonial legacies and framed Korean national history within an ideological confrontation of capitalist South Korea and communist North Korea.

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David Kang
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The problems in this alliance are not a result of emotion, naivete or ingratitude. Indeed, even if none of those emotional and cultural issues existed, the alliance would still be in dire need of revision. To find the best path forward for both the United States and South Korea, we need to focus on the real issues.

One of the less publicized but perhaps most important matters before President Bush on his recent trip to South Korea for the annual Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit was that of relations between the United States and the host country. Although South Korea has long been a close ally of the United States, relations between the two have cooled in recent years, and the alliance has come under great strain. Bush's trip did not set a new direction for the alliance, which has been drifting for the past few years.

There is a way to reverse this cooling in relations, I believe -- to promote U.S. strategic interests in the region, including denuclearization of North Korea; to retain U.S. influence there; and to strengthen a long-standing alliance. What is needed is an effort to widen the "North Korea problem" from one of nuclear weapons to one of unification.

Controversy over the fraying U.S.-South Korea alliance focuses almost exclusively on cultural or emotional issues. In the United States there are some who feel that South Koreans are insufficiently grateful for the steadfast U.S. support to South Korea, particularly for the American lives lost in defense of the South during the Korean War of 1950-53 and for the extensive economic and military aid since. Others feel that rising anti-American sentiment in South Korea reveals the naivete of a younger generation of Koreans who are insufficiently worried about the North Korean threat.

But the problems in the alliance are not a result of emotion, naivete or ingratitude. Indeed, even if none of those emotional and cultural issues existed, the alliance would still be in dire need of revision. To find the best path forward for both the United States and South Korea, we need to focus on the real issues.

The main factor straining the alliance is the unresolved Korean War and the continued division of the peninsula. This has created differing long-term strategic concerns for the United States and South Korea.

For South Korea, the key issue is not North Korean nuclear weapons -- it never was. South Korea's overriding concern is how to resolve the issue of national unification and integrate North Korea back into the world's most dynamic region, whether or not there are nuclear weapons. All other South Korean foreign policy issues take second place.

In contrast to Korea's regional issues, U.S. concerns are global and military. For at least the next several years, the United States will be mainly concerned with countering potential terrorist threats. Distracted by the overwhelming focus on anti-terrorism, homeland security and other issues, the United States has viewed its Korea policy as a narrow extension of its anti-terrorism policy, focusing almost exclusively on denuclearizing the North. These different strategic priorities have led to severe strains between the two allies, despite the desire of both to maintain a close relationship.

The United States can improve its position in East Asia, as well as solidify its alliance with South Korea, by widening its focus beyond North Korean denuclearization and coming out strongly and enthusiastically in favor of Korean unification. Although the United States rhetorically supports unification, it has been noticeably passive in pursuing policy to that end.

Such a policy shift would achieve many U.S. goals and would strengthen our alliance with South Korea in the process.

First and foremost, denuclearization is far more likely to occur with a change in North Korea's regime and a resolution to the Korean War than it is without resolving that larger issue. Until now the United States has put denuclearization first, without making much progress. Folding the nuclear issue into the larger issue would provide far more leverage on both questions and potentially create new or broader areas for progress.

Second, such a policy would provide grounds for agreement between U.S. and South Korean policymakers from which they could cooperate and work together, rather than against each other. Exploring the best path toward unification will require both economic and military changes in the North -- changes that will provide the United States with more flexibility to rebalance its own forces in the region.

Finally, it would put the United States in a solid position to retain goodwill and influence in Korea after unification -- something that is far from ensured today, when many South Koreans are skeptical about U.S. attitudes and policies toward the region. If the United States is seen as a major source of help for unification, it is far more likely that the post-unification orientation of Korea will be favorable to Washington.

This would be a major policy change for the United States, but given the importance of the region and of the Korean Peninsula, it is the best path to follow.

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From August 2003 to May 2004, the Korean Supreme Prosecutors' Office, under the leadership of Ahn Dai-Hee, then-chief of its Central Investigation Department, conducted a major investigation of the use of illegal funds in the 2002 presidential election.

This criminal investigation, Korea's largest, targeted illegal activities of leaders of the major political parties and major Korean conglomerates, which had funneled illegal funds to the political parties.

The independent and strictly evidence-based investigation resulted in the arrests and indictments of numerous political and business leaders, and revealed serious corruption in Korean politics and business (also referred to as "government-business collusion").

Mr Ahn's talk will include personal reflections on the investigation and discussion of its impact on political reforms in Korea, including how the investigation helped to significantly reduce corruption in Korea.

Ahn Dai- Hee is Chief Prosecutor of the Seoul High Prosecutors' office. He began his legal career as Army Judge Advocate after passing the national bar examination in 1975 and while still a student at Seoul National University. A prosecutor throughout his career, Mr Ahn's straightforward leadership of the Korean Supreme Prosecutors' Office's investigation into illegal funds in the 2002 presidential election earned him national recognition. Mr Ahn's publications include Criminal Tax Law published by Bobmunsa in 2003.

Philippines Conference Room

Ahn Dai-Hee Chief Prosecutor Speaker Seoul Supreme Prosecutors' office
Seminars
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Between 1979 and 1992, the JKS became a leading academic forum for the publication of innovative in-depth research on Korea. Now under the editorial guidance of Gi-Wook Shin and John Duncan, this journal continues to be dedicated to quality articles, in all disciplines, on a broad range of topics concerning Korea, both historical and contemporary.

This edition's contents:

Articles

  1. Contention in the Construction of a Global Korean Community: The Case of the Overseas Korean Act. Jung-Sun Park, Paul Y. Chang
  2. Development as Devolution: Nam Chong-hyon and the "Land of Excrement" Incident. Theodore Hughes
  3. Systematization of Film Censorship in Colonial Korea: Profiteering From Hollywood's First Golden Age, 1926-1936. Brian Yecies
  4. Negotiating Cultural Identities in Conflict: A Reading of the Writings of Paek Kyonghae (1765-1842). Sun Joo Kim

Perspective

  1. Two Key Historical Moments of the Early 1960s: A Preliminary Reconsideration of 4/19 and 5/16. Woo Jin Yang

Book Reviews

Introductory-level Korean Language Textbooks for the Anglophone Adult Learner: A Survey of Three Recent Publications

  1. College Korean by Michael C. Rogers, Clare You, and Kyungnyun K. Richards
  2. Integrated Korean: Beginning 1 and Integrated Korean: Beginning 2 by Young-Mee Cho, Hyo Sang Lee, Carol Schulz, Ho-Min Sohn, and Sung-ock Sohn
  3. You speak Korean! by Soohee Kim, Emily Curtis, and Haewon Cho. Reviewed by Ross King
  4. A History of Korean Literature, edited by Peter H. Lee. Reviewed by Scott Swaner
  5. Three Generations by Yom Sang-seop. Reviewed by Theodore Hughes
  6. Japan's Korean Encouragement Policies in Colonial Korea: Japanese Who Learned the Korean Language, by Yamada Kanto. Reviewed by Mark Caprio and Aoki Atsuko
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Rowman & Littlefield
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Gi-Wook Shin

Shorenstein APARC
Stanford University
Encina Hall E301
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

(650) 725-6392 (650) 723-6530
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Visiting Professor
David_Kang.jpg PhD

David Kang is associate professor of government, and adjunct associate professor and research director at the Center for International Business at the Tuck School of Business at Dartmouth. He has scholarly interests in both business-government relations and international relations, with a focus on Asia. At Tuck he teaches courses on doing business in Asia, and also manages teams of MBAs in the Tuck Global Consultancy Program that conduct in-country consulting projects for multinational companies in Asia.

Kang's book, Crony Capitalism: Corruption and Development in South Korea and the Philippines (Cambridge University Press, 2002), was named by Choice as one of the 2003 "Outstanding Academic Titles". He is also author of Nuclear North Korea: A Debate on Engagement Strategies (co-authored with Victor Cha) (Columbia University Press, 2003). He has published scholarly articles in journals such as International Organization, International Security, Comparative Politics, International Studies Quarterly, and Foreign Policy. He is a frequent radio and television commentator, and has also written opinion pieces in the New York Times, the Financial Times, the Los Angeles Times, Chosun Ilbo (Seoul), Joongang Ilbo (Seoul), and writes a monthly column for the Oriental Morning News (Shanghai). Kang is a member of the editorial boards of Political Science Quarterly, Asia Policy, IRI Review, Business and Politics, and the Journal of International Business Education.

Professor Kang has been a visiting professor at Stanford University, Yale University, Copenhagen Business School (Denmark), the University of Geneva IO-MBA program (Switzerland), Korea University (Seoul, Korea) and the University of California, San Diego. He received an AB with honors from Stanford University and his PhD from University of California, Berkeley.

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Korea stands at a critical juncture, as it transitions from mid-level to advanced country status. Yet at this important time, Korea seems to have lost its sense of direction. Ideological confrontations, uncertainty about identity, mistrust of the political process and the government, reform fatigue, and, above all, lack of vision have become endemic. Such symptoms are not unique in this global "age of deconstruction," but they are more salient in Korea, where crushing ideological disputes, ongoing inter-Korean conflict, and fallout from of rapid, intensive modernization have put the country in crisis.

If Korea is to move forward, politics and government must regain the confidence of the people. The country cannot become an advanced nation if its ideological obsessions remain entrenched. Creative, pragmatic leadership will bring outcomes-oriented vision, inclusiveness, and focus to the goal of sustainable development on the Korean Peninsula.

A period of historic uncertainty often ushers in an era of progress, and the current crisis presents a tremendous opportunity. Now is the time for Korea's leaders to learn from the past, embrace pragmatism, and make history.

Goh served as the Acting President when the current President, Roh Moo Hyun, was indicted for impeachment by the National Assembly on March 12, 2004 and his powers, including those of Commander-in-Chief, were transferred to Prime Minister Goh until Roh was acquitted by the Constitutional Court in May of the same year. As Acting President, Goh was widely acclaimed for his crucial role in restoring South Korea's stability, handling foreign affairs skillfully, and managing the central government effectively.

Goh has served as the 30th Prime Minister (1997-1998), twice as the Mayor of Seoul, (1998-2002, 1988-1990), Minister of Home Affairs (1987), Member of the National Assembly (1985-1988), Minister of Agriculture and Marine Affairs (1981-1982), Minister of Transportation (1980-1981), and Chief Secretary of Political Affairs to the President (1979-1980).

He holds the record as the youngest Governor in South Korea. At the age of 37, he became the Governor of Jeonnam Province in 1975. He was appointed by the President to lead a national agricultural modernization program called the New Village Movement, which transformed South Korea's agricultural sector into one of the most modernized and productive in Asia.

Between government posts, Goh has served as the Chairman of Transparency International in Korea to fight corruption in South Korea, a life-long cause for Goh. He has also served as the Co-President of Korean Federation for Environment Movement and president of Myong Ji University. He is a 1960 graduate of the Seoul National University. He was a Visiting Fellow at Harvard University in 1983 and a Visiting Professor at MIT in 1984. He is married with three sons.

Bechtel Conference Center

Goh Kun 35th Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea Speaker
Workshops
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The appointment of a woman to the post of Minister of Justice in 2003 under the Presidency of Moo Hyun Roh drew attention to the emergence of women's leadership in Korea. The post of Minister of Justice has long been considered a central position of power in the Korean government. Madame Kum-Sil Kang will discuss the history of women's leadership in Korea, the features and limitations of such leadership, and its broader prospects, based on her experience.

Madame Kang - the first woman appointed Minister of Justice in Korea - initiated reforms within the Ministry to protect the independence and political neutrality of the offices of government prosecutors. She also implemented measures to solicit and reflect the views of different offices within the Ministry that operates Korea's prosecutorial system. Her goals were to improve the efficiency and fairness of prosecutorial proceedings and to improve the protection of individual civil liberties.

Since leaving office, Madame Kang has been chosen to be President Roh's special ambassador on women's human rights in Korea. Madame Kang is deeply interested in human rights issues, particularly those that concern women and people residing in North Korea. She is also committed to increasing government transparency, fighting corruption, improving Korea's education system, and nurturing future leaders.

West Vidalakis Dining Room
Schwab Residential Center
680 Serra Street
Stanford University Campus

Her Excellency Kum-Sil Kang former Minister of Justice, Republic of Korea Speaker
Workshops
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