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Nutrition, physical activity, smoking, and alcohol consumption are major causes of morbidity and mortality related to noncommunicable diseases (NCDs). Hypertension, diabetes type II, cancer, and chronic pulmonary diseases cause 60 percent of deaths worldwide and will likely increase by 17 percent during the next 10 years. Eighty percent of deaths caused by NCDs are registered in low- and middle-income countries in the working-age population and contribute to the growth of poverty [1,2,3].

During the last 15 years in Mongolia the leading causes of mortality have been cardiovascular disease and cancer.

This qualitative survey is one part of the Facility-Based Impact Study (FBIS) and was funded by the MCA Health Project. The overall goal of the MCA Health Project is to reduce mortality and morbidity caused by NCD and traffic accidents. Over a period of five years, the project aims to provide the population with essential knowledge about health promotion, the prevention and early detection of NCDs, and the adoption of healthy lifestyles through capacity building for the health system and, more specifically, for the preventive facilities. One main activity of the project is to improve primary health services related to NCDs through interventions for capacity building on the level of health facilities. This FBIS focuses on assessing the current situation in the facilities to enable a later comparison of the results of this baseline study and a later follow-up study to evaluate the impact of the Health Project on the performance of health staff, their knowledge, attitudes, and practice in the facilities, and the preparedness of facilities in terms of equipment and staff. The survey was carried out by a joint team of local and international consultants from the MCA Health Project, EPOS Health Management and THL Finland, and researchers from the School of Public Health.  

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Asia Health Policy Program working paper # 31
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China’s demographic landscape is rapidly changing, and the government has responded by launching ambitious social and health service reforms to meet the changing needs of the country’s 1.3 billion people. This week, officials approved a five-year plan to develop a comprehensive nationwide social security network.

Karen Eggleston, the Asia Health Policy Program (AHPP) director and a Stanford Health Policy fellow, discusses the success of China’s health care reforms—including its recently established universal health care system—and the long road still ahead.

Why is the overall health and wellbeing of China’s population important globally?

There are many reasons why the health of China’s citizens matters within a larger global context. On the most basic level, China represents almost 20 percent of humanity. But it is also a major player in the world economy and it depends on having a healthy workforce, especially now that its population is aging more. The government’s ability to meet the needs of its underserved citizens contributes to a more productive and stable China, and works towards closing the huge gaps we see in human wellbeing across the world.

China also potentially offers a model for other developing countries, such as India, that may want to figure out how to make universal health coverage work at a tenth of the income of most of the countries that have put it into place before.

What are some of the biggest changes in China’s health care system since 1949?

One of the most significant changes is that China has achieved very basic universal health insurance coverage in a relatively short period of time.  

Throughout the Mao period (1949–1978) there was a health care system linked to the centrally planned economy, which provided a basic level of coverage via government providers with a lot of regional variation. When economic reform came in 1980, large parts of the system—particularly financing for insurance—collapsed. The majority of China’s citizens were uninsured during the past few decades of very rapid social and economic development.

China’s overall population is changing quite dramatically, which means it has different health care needs, such as treating chronic disease and caring for an increasingly elderly population. The central government is trying to establish a system of accessible primary care—a concept that China’s barefoot doctors helped to pioneer but that fell into disarray—and health services that fit these new needs. 

How does China’s basic health care system work? Are there segments of the population still not receiving adequate coverage and care?

China has had a system where people can select their own doctors. Patients usually want to go to clinics attached to the highest-reputation hospitals, but of course, when you are not insured you almost always by default go to where you can afford the care. “It is difficult to see the doctor, and it is expensive” has been the lament of patients in China, so an explicit goal of the health care reforms has been to address this.

The term “universal coverage” has different definitions. China initially put in place a form of insurance that only covers 20 or 30 percent of medical costs for the previously uninsured population, especially in rural areas. Benefits have expanded, but remain limited. As with the previous system, disparities in coverage still exist across the population. China not only has a huge population with huge economic differences, but within that there is a large migrant worker population. It is a challenge to figure out how to cover these citizens and how to provide them with access to better care. The government is quite aware there are segments of the population not receiving equal coverage, and it continues to strive to resolve the issue.  

What are the greatest innovations in China’s health care system in recent years?

One of the most remarkable things China has achieved is really its new health insurance system. Even if the current coverage is not particularly generous it is nearly universal, and mechanisms are put in place each year to provide more generous coverage. China is also working on strengthening its primary care and population health services, infusing a huge sum of government money into these efforts. It is the only developing country of its per-capita income that has achieved such results so far.

Interestingly, a lot of people assume China achieved its universal coverage by mandate, while in fact the central government did so by subsidizing the cost for local governments and individuals. This reduces the burden, for example, on poorer rural governments and residents, and is one innovative way China is trying to eliminate the disparity in access to care.

Eggleston has recently published a working paper on China’s health care reforms since the Mao era on the AHPP website, as well as an article in the Milken Institute Review.

Gordon Liu, a Chinese government advisor on health care and the executive director of Peking University’s Health Economics and Management Institute, spoke at Stanford on May 29 on the future of China’s health care system.

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A disabled woman from Henan writes a poetic plea for money explaining the circumstances of her disability, her family's difficulties in paying for treatment, and their subsequent debt, Shanghai, August 2009.
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The physiological factors underlying links between health and socioeconomic position in the Russian population are important to investigate. This population continues to face political and economic challenges, has experienced poor general health and high mortality for decades, and has exhibited widening health disparities. Dr. Dana A. Glei and colleagues used data from a population-based survey of Moscow residents 55 and older to investigate whether physiological dysregulation mediates the link between socioeconomic status and health. She will discuss the the results of their study, which revealed large educational disparities in health outcomes and physiological dysregulation, especially in men.

Dana A. Glei is a senior research investigator at Georgetown University and has worked on the Social Environment and Biomarkers of Aging Study (Taiwan) since 2001. From 2002 to 2009, she also served as project coordinator for the Human Mortality Database, a collaborative project involving research teams at the University of California, Berkeley and the Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research. Over the past 18 years, she has published articles on a variety of topics related to health, mortality, marriage and the family, and poverty. Her current research focuses on sex differences in health and mortality, the impact of stressors on subsequent health, and how bioindicators mediate the links between psychosocial factors and health outcomes. She has an MA from the University of Virginia and a PhD from Princeton University.

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Dana A. Glei Senior Research Investigator Speaker Georgetown University
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China has recently reformed its health care system with the intent of providing universal coverage for basic health care to every Chinese citizen. Three separate health insurance plans have recently been launched to achieve this objective: the rural newly cooperative medical scheme, urban resident health insurance, and urban employee-based health insurance. Each plan differs substantially in terms of insurers, insured population, premiums, and benefits packages. Using data from the 2009 China Health and Nutrition Survey, Hai Fang will discuss a study that investigates whether and to what extend different health insurance plans have created disparities in health care utilization and expenditure.

Hai Fang is an assistant professor in the Department of Health Systems, Management, and Policy at the University of Colorado Denver, and a research associate in the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. He earned his doctorate in economics and master of public health from the State University of New York at Stony Brook in 2006. Before joining the University of Colorado Denver, he taught at the University of California, Davis, and the University of Miami. His research interests include health economics, labor economics, and public health.

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Hai Fang Associate Professor, Department of Health Systems, Management, and Policy Speaker University of Colorado Denver
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Objective To investigate educational disparities in the care process and health outcomes among patients with diabetes in the context of South Korea's universal health insurance system.

Design Bivariate and multiple regression analyses of data from a cross-sectional health survey.

Setting A nationally representative and population-based survey, the 2005 Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey.

Participants Respondents aged 40 or older who self-reported prior diagnosis with diabetes (n= 1418).

Main Outcome Measures Seven measures of the care process and health outcomes, namely (i) receiving medical treatment for diabetes, (ii) ever received diabetes education, (iii) received dilated eye examination in the past year, (iv) received microalbuminuria test in the past year, (v) having activity limitation due to diabetes, (vi) poor self-rated health and (vii) self-rated health on a visual analog scale.

Results Except for receiving medical care for diabetes, overall process quality was low, with only 25% having ever received diabetes education, 39% having received a dilated eye examination in the past year and 51% having received a microalbuminuria test in the past year. Lower education level was associated with both poorer care processes and poorer health outcomes, whereas lower income level was only associated with poorer health outcomes.

Conclusion While South Korea's universal health insurance system may have succeeded in substantially reducing financial barriers related to diabetes care, the quality of diabetes care is low overall and varies by education level. System-level quality improvement efforts are required to address the weaknesses of the health system, thereby mitigating educational disparities in diabetes care quality.

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International Journal for Quality in Health Care
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Young Kyung Do
Karen Eggleston
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The Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center and its Asia Health Policy Program have joined with other centers and programs across the university as collaborative partners for the new Stanford Center for Population Research (SCPR). Supporting population research among faculty and students throughout Stanford, the SCPR is led by Professor Shripad Tuljapurkar, co-editor with Karen Eggleston of the book Aging Asia: Economic and Social Implications of Rapid Demographic Change in China, Japan, and South Korea.

The Stanford Center for Population Research, based in the Institute for Research in Social Sciences, has leadership and involvement across campus including the Humanities, Natural Sciences, Environmental programs, and the Medical School. The goal is to promote, support and develop population studies through collaboration among researchers and training for undergraduate and graduate students, serving as both a resource and nexus for faculty at Stanford across disciplines with interests in population studies, broadly defined.  

The Asia Health Policy Program will work with the Stanford Center for Population Research in studying the implications of demographic change in the Asia-Pacific region. For example, Karen Eggleston is undertaking comparative study of population health trends in China and India with other Stanford faculty associated with SCRP.

AHPP will also support the mission of strengthening the teaching of population studies at the undergraduate, graduate and postdoctoral levels, by helping to make connections for students studying demographic change in Asia. The 2011 postdoctoral fellow in Asia health policy, Qiulin Chen, will be studying population aging in China in comparative perspective. Shorenstein APARC’s affiliation with the SCRP will also help to reinforce the new Shorenstein APARC initiative studying policy responses to population aging in East Asia, kicking off with a workshop in January 2011.

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